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How David Bowie Came Out As Gay (And What He Meant By It)

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Simon Reynolds | Shock and Awe: Glam Rock and Its Legacy, from the Seventies to the Twenty-first Century | Dey Street Books| October 2016 | 19 minutes (5,289 words)

 

Below is an excerpt from Shock and Awe, by Simon Reynolds. This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky.

* * *

People like Lou and I are probably predicting the end of an era … I mean that catastrophically.
Any society that allows people like Lou and me to become rampant is pretty well lost.

On Sunday afternoon, 16 July 1972, David Bowie held a tea-time press conference at the Dorchester, a deluxe five-star hotel on London’s Park Lane. Mostly for the benefit of American journalists flown in to watch him and his new backing band, The Spiders from Mars, in action, the event was also a chance to show off Bowie’s new ‘protégés’, Iggy Pop and Lou Reed. They had – separately – made their UK live debuts on the two preceding nights, at the exact same venue, King’s Cross Cinema.

Glammed up in maroon-polished nails and rock-star shades, Reed sashayed across the second-floor suite and kissed Bowie full on the mouth. Sitting in the corner, Iggy also displayed a recent glitter makeover, with silver-dyed hair, eye make-up and T. Rex T- shirt. Reed, Iggy and Bowie would later pose for the only known photograph of the threesome together, Bowie looking resplendent in a flared-cuff Peter Pan tunic made from a crinkly, light-catching fabric. That was just one of three outfits he wore that afternoon – surely the first time in history a rock’n’roll press conference involved costume changes.

During a wide-ranging and somewhat grandiloquent audience with the assembled journalists, Bowie declared: ‘People like Lou and I are probably predicting the end of an era … I mean that catastrophically. Any society that allows people like Lou and me to become rampant is pretty well lost. We’re both pretty mixed-up, paranoid people, absolute walking messes. If we’re the spearhead of anything, we’re not necessarily the spearhead of anything good.’ What a strange thing to announce – that you’re the herald of Western civilisation’s terminal decline, the decadent symptom that precedes a collapse into barbarism or perhaps a fascist dictatorship. But would an ‘absolute walking mess’ really be capable of such a crisply articulated mission statement? There’s a curious unreality to Bowie’s claims, especially made in such swanky surroundings. Yet the reporters nodded and scribbled them down in their notepads. Suddenly Bowie seemed to have the power to make people take his make-believe seriously … to make them believe it too. Something that in the previous eight strenuous years of striving he’d never managed before, apart from a smatter of fanatical supporters within the UK entertainment industry.

Some eighteen months before the Dorchester summit, the singer had looked washed-up. Deserted by his primary collaborators Tony Visconti and Mick Ronson, he put out the career-nadir single ‘Holy Holy’. (Can you hum it? Did you even know it existed?)

Yet a little over a year later, Bowie had everybody’s ears, everyone’s eyes. His fortunes had transformed absolutely: if not the biggest star in Britain, he was the buzziest, the focus of serious analysis in a way that far better-selling contemporaries like Marc Bolan and Slade never achieved. No longer a loser, he had somehow become the Midas man, a pop miracle-worker resurrecting the stalled careers of his heroes, from long-standing admirations like Lou Reed to recent infatuations like Iggy Pop and Mott the Hoople. Sprinkling them with his stardust, Bowie even got them to change their appearance in his image. There was talk of movies and stage musicals, the sort of diversification that’s tediously commonplace in today’s pop business, but back then was unusual and exciting.

‘People look to me to see what the spirit of the Seventies is,’ Bowie said to William S. Burroughs in a famous 1974 dialogue convened by Rolling Stone. This was not boasting, just the simple truth. How did Bowie manage to manoeuvre himself into place as weathervane of the zeitgeist? The battle was not won on the radio airwaves or at record-store cash registers. There are bands from the early seventies who sold millions more records than Bowie ever did, but they never came near to having the high profile he had at the time and are barely remembered today. Bowie’s theatre of war was the media, where victory is measured in think pieces and columns, controversy and the circulation of carefully chosen, eye-arresting photographs.

* * *

I’m just an image person. I’m terribly conscious of images and I live in them.

‘I’m just an image person. I’m terribly conscious of images and I live in them,’ Bowie told the NME in 1972 – a catch-all confession that covered his interest in style and his song lyrics, which were like compressed screenplays that turned your imagination into a silver screen. Bowie started developing a series of startling new looks, urged on by Angie and assisted by the new gay and ambisexual friends they’d acquired through frequenting gay clubs like The Sombrero. One new pal, the androgynous Freddie Buretti, became his exclusive clothes designer.

The defining style move came when Bowie cut off his long wavy hair: a symbolic break with the sixties. At first, his new coiffure looked vaguely mod, but then, with further sculpting and the application of virulently artificial-looking dye, Bowie achieved a hairstyle that screamed, ‘It’s the seventies!’ – a sort of electrocuted mullet, goldfish orange in hue.

This angular, inorganic hairstyle was matched with equally stark and lurid make-up. Cosmetics had already been introduced into pop by Bolan (tentatively), Alice Cooper (grotesquely) and The Sweet (clumsily). But Bowie’s use of theatrical make-up, informed by his dalliances with mime, was both more extreme and more exquisite. Coached by master cosmetologist Pierre LaRoche, Bowie became an expert on the subject and an eloquent defender of male self-beautification: ‘Normally before a battle the men would make themselves up to look as beautiful as possible,’ he observed. ‘And look at all the old kings and dandies … And if you look to the animal world, so often the male is more beautiful than the female – look at peacocks and lions. Really, makeup and beautiful clothes are fundamental to me …’

At the height of glittermania, Creem magazine started a style column called Eleganza, and one month it was partly devoted to ‘David Bowie’s Makeup Dos and Don’ts’. Nestled amid full-page ads for Peavey monitor speakers and a piece on bottleneck guitar techniques, you found Bowie recommending ‘a very light liquid base, usually white, pink, or yellow, but for stage, sometimes iridescent, applied with a damp sponge’, suggesting Elizabeth Arden eight-hour cream for a nice shine for lips and eyelids, and kohl ‘smudged right along the lash line’. It also gave away the recipe for the ‘now iconic gold circle on his forehead’ – tiny gold rhinestones stuck on with eyelash glue. But actual glitter was a no-no on account of its tendency to fall into his eyes during performance – a problem made worse, no doubt, by his intermittent penchant for shaving off his eyebrows, to increase the weirdness quotient.

As for a new musical direction, things had begun to shift during the course of 1971, when Bowie took up writing songs on a piano. The result was Hunky Dory: a clean, bright, prettily arranged sound that had almost nothing to do with rock. Instead, it resembled an existentialist Elton John: lovely, extended melodies that delivered questioning and questing lyrics that turned over quandaries to do with time, death, doubt and spiritual confusion, in an incongruous mood of bouncy gaiety. ‘Changes’ combines philosophical musing about impermanence with third-generation plaints (‘these children that you spit on’, ‘don’t tell us to grow up and out of it’). Over time the song has acquired a retroactive status as a mission statement, as if foretelling his career’s succession of ‘strange changes’ and the ‘fascination’ these persona shifts would induce in his fans-to-come. Multiple ‘best of’s titled Changes solidified this interpretation. ‘Oh! You Pretty Things’ likewise addresses a potential constituency, flattering his yet-to-arrive followers with Nietzschean allusions to the new breed of ‘homo superior’ they represent.

Although Hunky Dory was Bowie’s most attractive album to date and has since become one of his most beloved records, it came out to a quiet, politely appreciative reception in December 1971, making the need for a dramatic publicity stunt all the more urgent. So, in early 1972, David Bowie decided to be gay. Very publicly gay.

Tentative moves towards ‘coming out’ had been made earlier. There’d been an interview with gay magazine Jeremy in 1970, which presented the singer as very much on ‘our side’, without printing anything like a definitive declaration of his orientation. An April 1971 profile in Rolling Stone edged nearer: the piece ended with Bowie flirtatiously instructing his interviewer John Mendelsohn to ‘tell your readers that they can make up their minds about me when I begin getting adverse publicity: when I’m found in bed with Raquel Welch’s husband’. In the piece, Mendelsohn also reported that when Bowie turned up for a guest spot on San Francisco’s progressive radio station KSAN-FM, he told the ‘incredulous DJ that his last album was … a collection of reminiscences about his experiences as a shaven-headed transvestite’. But these were flippant, jesting remarks, and hardly anyone had noticed. So Bowie turned to the media outlet in which his announcement could make the biggest splash: Melody Maker.

From the late sixties through to the end of 1973, Melody Maker was Britain’s leading music magazine. By 1972, it was also the best selling, having outstripped the pop-oriented New Musical Express and achieving a weekly circulation that hovered just above 200,000. ‘You’d go to work on a Thursday morning on the Tube on the Central Line, and any male under twenty-five would be reading the Maker the morning it came out,’ recalls Melody Maker staff writer Richard Williams. Thanks to a phenomenal pass-on rate, it was read by maybe five, perhaps as many as ten times the number who bought it.

* * *

I’m gay. And always have been, even when I was David Jones.

A photo of Bowie looking willowy and gorgeous graced the front cover of the 22 January 1972 issue of Melody Maker, with a caption describing him as ‘rock’s swishiest outrage: a self-confessed lover of effeminate clothes’. Inside, the interview story featured another photo and the headline ‘Oh You Pretty Thing’. Watts’s introductory paragraph was written as a playful parody of drooling same-sex lust:

Even though he wasn’t wearing silken gowns right out of Liberty’s, and his long blond hair no longer fell wavily past his shoulders David Bowie was looking yummy.

He’d slipped into an elegant, patterned type of combat suit, very tight around the legs, with the shirt unbuttoned to reveal a full expanse of white torso. The trousers were turned up at the calves to allow a better glimpse of a huge pair of red plastic boots with at least three-inch rubber soles; and the hair was Vidal Sassooned into such impeccable shape that one held one’s breath in case the slight breeze from the open window dared to ruffle it. I wish you could have been there to varda him; he was so super.

Such a tone of frank male-on-male delectation had never been seen in the pages of the serious but very straight music papers, in which critics focused on musicianship or social issues rather than physical appearance or style. Watts’s use of words like ‘varda’ was a delicious in-the-know touch: it came from the slang idiom palare (sometimes spelt ‘polari’ and various other ways), favoured by gay men in the era when homosexual acts were illegal and code was a necessity. Traceable back to nineteenth-century itinerant theatrical companies and used by criminals, prostitutes and showbiz folk as well as gay men, palare would have been incomprehensible to most readers. ‘David’s present image is to come on like a swishy queen, a gorgeously effeminate boy,’ Watts noted, implying that this was a gambit, a pose likely to be abandoned as abruptly as it had been adopted.

Then came the quote that reverberated around the world and instantly ignited Bowie’s career: ‘I’m gay. And always have been, even when I was David Jones.’

The feature’s galvanising effect on Bowie’s career came not just from the shock statement, but from the pictures that illustrated it. It is hard to reconstruct the drabness, the visual depletion of Britain in 1972, which filtered into the music papers to form the grey and grubby backdrop to Bowie’s physical and sartorial splendour. Even in black and white, the elegance of the images leapt out of the pages, surrounded as they were – in that particular issue of Melody Maker – by thickly bearded minstrel Cat Stevens, sideburned ex-Spooky Tooth singer Gary Wright and his new band Wonderwheel, and the startling ugliness of a full-page ad for Grunt, Jefferson Airplane’s label. ‘He was a fantastically glamorous figure. I remember being quite dazzled by him when I first met him,’ recalls Watts. ‘It was like being with Marilyn Monroe. There was nobody else around like that. He was such a break with that sixties past.’

On Melody Maker’s front cover, the portrait by Barrie Wentzell showed the new shorter-locked Bowie, wearing a delicate bracelet and an open patterned zip jacket showing a bare, hairless chest. Inside, a close-up of Bowie’s face, cradled delicately in one hand, features doe-like eyes cast to one side as if demurely avoiding the viewer’s gaze. The framing was studiedly unmasculine, almost as if informed by reading John Berger’s Ways of Seeing (published that same year), in which the critic suggests that judging by the history of Western art, ‘men act and women appear … men look at women; women watch themselves being looked at … The surveyor of woman in herself is male … Thus she turns herself into an object – and most particularly an object of vision: a sight.’ Watts’s write- up likewise broke ground by encouraging the (mostly male) readers to look at another man as an aesthetic object, a treat for the eyes.

‘It was Melody Maker that made me … that piece by Mick Watts,’ Bowie recalled in the middle of 1973. ‘It all exploded.’ Yet the funny thing about the Shock Revelation is that the quote was immediately followed by a hint of doubt: ‘There’s a sly jollity about how he says it, a secret smile at the corners of his mouth,’ Watts observed. The idea that it was all a game was made clear right at the outset. ‘I was a bit sceptical,’ says Watts today. ‘He was pretty certainly bisexual, as far as one can deconstruct what bisexuality is. But I think it’s inescapable that most of Bowie’s sexual encounters have been much more heterosexual than gay. I interviewed him quite often after that, and he was always very keen to make the point that he wasn’t going to be flag-waving for Gay Lib. And Gay Lib got very cross with him because he wouldn’t throw in his lot with them and proselytise for homosexuality. Now, how do you interpret that? It may have been a form of commercial self-protection, or it could be his genuine belief …’

While some gay men regarded Bowie as a tourist, others saw him as a pop-culture pathbreaker, making it easier for others to come out. The gay American critic Andrew Kopkind, for instance, hailed Bowie in an October 1972 piece for the Boston Phoenix as ‘an authentic gay superstar, authentically a superstar and authentically gay at the same time – for the first time in our culture since Oscar Wilde’. He zoomed in on the ‘lyricism’ of his stage movements and the way he and Mick Ronson ‘exchange erotic glances, gestures and dance steps hitherto only acceptable between man and woman in a band’. Over the ensuing years, Bowie oscillated wildly, sustaining a miasma of sexual undecideability that enabled him to be all things to all people. In one single year, 1976, he told a British journalist that his professed bisexuality ‘was just a lie … I’ve never done a bisexual action in my life, on stage, on record, or anywhere else’, but also recounted his same-sex history to Playboy, which started with ‘some very pretty boy in class in some school or other that I took home and neatly fucked on my bed upstairs’ and continued intermittently.

Cherry Vanilla, who knew him intimately as well as professionally, says, ‘You can tell when men really love women or don’t really love women, and as far as I’m concerned, he really loved women … I would consider him heterosexual, but who fooled around, experimented a bit. And in those days, didn’t we all?’ Her MainMan colleague Tony Zanetta believed Bowie ‘was bisexual, but what he was really was a narcissist – boys or girls, it was all the same. He was attracted to the gay culture because he loved its flamboyance.’

* * *

I thought – this is a lifestyle I really have to explore because I recognize things in this book that are really how I feel.

Bowie’s interest in gayness seems more cultural than sexual – a classic case of ‘love and theft’. That’s the title of Eric Lott’s classic study of nineteenth-century blackface minstrels, his term for the simultaneous admiration and appropriation directed by whites towards black music and black style. In the same way, Bowie looked to gay culture as a vanguard of sensibility. If the sixties had been about the White Negro (mostly British groups, like the Stones, playing tough rhythm and blues), Bowie was guessing – gambling – that the defining crossover of seventies might be the Straight Gay. There was one important difference, though: unlike with the white sixties groups co-opting blues and R&B, there wasn’t an exclusively gay-identified style of music for Bowie to appropriate. Opera and show tunes, while associated with gay taste, had plenty of straight (and, indeed, square) fans. So what Bowie did was to layer gayness over the existing post-sixties British tradition of pop and rock.

Along with his encounters with the Lindsay Kemp milieu, clubs like The Sombrero and, most recently, the polysexual Pork Warholites, Bowie had also been inspired by reading John Rechy’s novel City of Night, which chronicles the journey of a young man from his small-town background to the homosexual underground of New York (and later Los Angeles), where he turns tricks to survive. ‘A stunning piece of writing,’ Bowie recalled in 1993. ‘I found out later that it was a bible among gay America … There was something in the book akin to my feelings of loneliness. I thought – this is a lifestyle I really have to explore because I recognize things in this book that are really how I feel. And that led me a merry dance in the early Seventies, when gay clubs really became my lifestyle and all my friends were gay. I really opted to drown in the euphoria of this new experience which was a real taboo with society. And I must admit I loved that aspect of it.’ But Bowie also admitted that ‘as the years went on it became a thing where, sexually, I was pretty much with women the majority of the time. But I still had a lot of the trappings of the gay society about me. In terms of the way I would parade or costume myself or my attitudes in some of the interviews I did … It seemed to be the one taboo that everyone was too afraid to break. I thought – well, if there’s one thing that’s going to put me on the edge, this is it. Long hair didn’t mean much anymore.’

City of Night is the perfect title for Rechy’s gay odyssey. In Mother Camp, her groundbreaking 1972 study of drag-queen culture, social anthropologist Esther Newton points out how important the concept of ‘urban’ was to the subculture: many queens who came from small towns in the rural south or Midwest spoke of feeling uncomfortable in the country. ‘It is the country that represents to us “nature” and, ultimately, what is real,’ Newton wrote. Cities, especially nocturnal, after-hours cities, offered the rootless freedom and dark spaces in which you could be your non-normative self. Female impersonators, she observed, ‘would say of themselves “we are city people; we are night people”.’

cityofnight

City of Night, by John Rechy.

For Bowie and other ‘straight gays’ in the early seventies, male homosexuality was the New Edge in two different ways. A new frontier of gritty and graphic realness: sex acts, sex customs, sex attitudes, sex locations that were all bracingly unfamiliar. But also a new frontier of campy unrealness. One thread in Rechy’s novel that might have intrigued or influenced Bowie is the theatricality of sex. The hustlers in City of Night are actors as much as they’re sex workers: they quickly learn not to say or do anything that might disrupt the john’s particular ‘sexdream’. One regular’s special kink is dressing up a boy in biker gear of leather and heavy boots, then promenading around the city for an hour or two in his company. No sex takes place. The customer maintains a wardrobe of costumes in different sizes, what one character calls his ‘drag’, even though it’s the opposite of what that usually refers to – the garb of female impersonation.

The buried idea here extends forward to RuPaul’s ‘We’re born naked, everything else is drag’ and as far back as Shakespeare’s ‘All the world’s a stage’. Even when we’re not overtly in costume, we’re all ‘players’ acting out a social self. As W. H. Auden put it in ‘Masque’, ‘Human beings are, necessarily, actors who cannot become something before they have first pretended to be it; and they can be divided, not into the hypocritical and the sincere, but into the sane who know they are acting and the mad who do not.’ This poetic insight was given solid sociological credence in 1959 with the publication of Erving Goffman’s famous study The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, in which he formulated concepts like ‘impression management’ and the ‘personal front’. Depending on your perspective, the conclusion to be drawn is either melancholy (we can never be really real, in any interpersonal situation – and perhaps even on the stage of our conscious mind we act out an ideal or prettified version of our self) or liberating (since there’s no core to identity, we can reinvent ourselves, change the roles we play and the self we present, over and over again).

Camp is hard to pin down, but one core strand to the sensibility is what Susan Sontag called ‘the metaphor of life as theater’. The origins of the word are much disputed, but some point to the French se camper, which means to posture boldly, to strike a provocative pose. For some gay men, being camp was a way of flaunting one’s difference from the hetero-norm, a cultural separateness as much as a sexually determined one. Yet that made camp detachable as a sensibility; if you could be gay but not the least bit camp, that opened the possibility of acting camp without ever engaging in homosexual acts. Bowie’s coming out was itself a camp gesture: a form of public theatre, the striking of a provocative pose, not necessarily backed up by anything he did in his private life.

* * *

I think it should be tarted up, made into a prostitute, a parody of itself. It should be the clown, the Pierrot medium.

Hunky Dory’s back cover features the handwritten credit ‘This album was Produced by … KEN SCOTT (assisted by the actor).’ Kemp’s camp, Rechy’s novel, the Warhol crew – all these influences had intensified Bowie’s existing tendency to view himself as an all-round entertainer, a variety artist, skipping between different mediums and swapping out roles constantly. Rock, at the turn of the sixties into the seventies, demanded commitment and consistency; songs and singing were about revealing one’s inner truth or speaking truth to power. Bowie had tried to go along with rock’s anti-showbiz values for a moment at the end of the sixties, but now, liberated by his immersion in gay culture, he could goad rock orthodoxy. ‘What the music says may be serious, but as a medium it should not be questioned, analysed, or taken so seriously,’ he declared in the 1971 Rolling Stone interview. ‘I think it should be tarted up, made into a prostitute, a parody of itself. It should be the clown, the Pierrot medium.’

Unwittingly or not, here Bowie tapped into a set of negative associations surrounding the theatre that conflate acting, prostitution, homosexuality, cross-dressing and insincerity. ‘The antitheatrical prejudice’, as the historian Jonas Barish called it in his 1982 book of the same title, goes back as far as Plato, who distrusted and disapproved of mutability and mimesis. But it was at its most pronounced and hysterical during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when Puritans published countless tracts with titles like A Mirrour of Monsters that decried playhouses as ungodly and ultimately closed down the theatres during Cromwell’s rule. Plays were accused of arousing base passions with their depictions of sex and violence, as well as their effeminising emotional extremes. Actors were seen as analogous to prostitutes, feigning unfelt emotions for money. Some Puritans equated acting’s pretence with the sin of hypocrisy (which actually comes from hypokrite, an Ancient Greek word for ‘actor’). Others even saw it as a usurpation of God’s role as Creator.

Highest among the concerns of many Puritan tract writers was the reigning practice in sixteenth- and early-seventeenth-century England of women’s roles being played by men, or rather by pretty, androgynous boys. In his thousand-plus-page diatribe Histriomastix (1632), William Prynne rails against ‘our artificial stage-players’ who ‘emasculate, metamorphose, and debase their noble sex’, in the process becoming ‘neither men nor women, but monsters’. Cross-dressing offends God because ‘it perverts one principal use of garments, to difference men from women’.

Anti-theatricality still had a half-life even in the twentieth century, cropping up in fictional contexts like The Catcher in the Rye, where Holden Caulfield voices his contempt for the theatre and all actors because they’re ‘phoney’. While rock can hardly be characterised as puritanical, it does contain a long-running vein, stretching from the late-sixties underground through to indie and alternative rock, of antipathy to showiness and spectacle. As if to deflect such prejudices among Melody Maker’s readers, Michael Watts’s feature concluded: ‘Don’t dismiss David Bowie as a serious musician just because he likes to put us all on a little.’ There’s a double sense in which ‘put on’ can be taken: a playful trick, but also a mask or role that can be put on and then taken off once its purpose has been served. So it would be with Bowie’s gayness.

Bowie’s stagey exit from the closet was perfectly timed. All things gay, bi, trans and ambiguous were ‘in’. David Percival’s 1970 West End play Girlfriend became the 1971 movie Girl Stroke Boy, in which a young man called Laurie brings home Jo to meet his parents, who find it impossible to determine whether their son’s sweetheart is his girlfriend or boyfriend. Michael Apted’s 1972 directorial debut Triple/Echo (retitled Soldier in Skirts for America) concerns a Second World War deserter who hides on a farm, starts dressing as a woman, then rashly goes for a date with a brute of an army sergeant from a nearby base. Bowie actually auditioned for the cross-dressing soldier’s role. He also auditioned to play the beautiful bisexual youth embroiled in a love triangle with an older man and an older woman in 1971’s Sunday Bloody Sunday. Meanwhile, in America, Myra Breckinridge – the 1970 film version of Gore Vidal’s best- selling satirical novel – featured a transgender protagonist, S&M and anal sex with a strap-on dildo, while Russ Meyer’s Beyond the Valley of the Dolls (1970) included a trans character, the record-biz Svengali Z-Man. As scriptwriter Roger Ebert explained, Z-Man ‘seems to be a gay man for most of the movie, but is finally revealed to be a woman in drag’. The is-she-or-isn’t-she-(a-he)? theme infiltrated pop, too, with The Kinks’ ‘Lola’, a huge, career-resurrecting international hit for the group in 1970.

* * *

To me he represented the most bizarre things which were evil and not of this world and completely beyond the imagination … the most peculiarly advanced stages of sexuality.

While he remained a divisive, uncertain figure for the gay community, for his hetero audience Bowie became a symbol of possibility: his songs and his image spoke to forbidden frissons, an expanded sense of latent erotic potential, a flexibility and flux that might never be realised beyond the realm of imagination but felt liberating. It spoke above all to boys alienated from straight-and-narrow manliness, and to girls looking for objects of desire outside those confines.

‘I seem to draw a lot of fantasies out of people,’ Bowie admitted, appearing on Russell Harty’s TV chat show in 1973. Harty had asked about the kind of fan mail he received; Bowie would not be drawn on the details, except to say that some of the letters were ‘heavy duty’ and ‘very sexy’. It was really with the singer’s next move after Hunky Dory that this kind of obsessive projection took off, with the creation of the Ziggy Stardust persona. The combination of Bowie’s unusual beauty and the Ziggy look – the glossy wrestling boots and tight-fitting two-piece outfits made of quilt in oriental or retro-futuristic patterns, influenced equally by Clockwork Orange and 2001: A Space Odyssey – inspired strange reveries. The dreaming surely got weirder still with Bowie’s next image-phase, the Aladdin Sane era, with the lightning bolt slash across the face, the mystic gold circle on the brow and Kansai Yamamoto’s astonishing bodysuits, vinyl geometric constructions that wore the person inserted into them rather than the other way round.

Drawing on fan letters sent c/o record companies, as well as interviews with fans looking back on their fevered past, Fred and Judy Vermorel’s book Starlust explores in detail the kind of fantasy narratives Bowie triggered. At the extreme, the erotic scenarios stray into hallucinatory and mystical zones, verging on self-invented forms of sex-magic, phantasmic projection and even imagined telepathic communion.

‘I thought he was so extraordinary that he couldn’t possibly be human,’ confessed Julie, one of the Starlust interviewees. ‘He was paranormal almost … I began to think he was a new kind of Messiah … He had the qualities of a type of ruler … He was science fiction personified. To me he represented the most bizarre things which were evil and not of this world and completely beyond the imagination … the most peculiarly advanced stages of sexuality.’

The Beatles were the first to create a fictional group, Sgt Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band. There was also Zappa and The Mothers of Invention’s doo-wop homage alter ego Ruben and the Jets, while The Turtles released a concept album, The Turtles Present the Battle of the Bands, in which they pretended to be eleven different groups, parodying styles from psychedelia to surf band to country rock. They were photographed as each group for the gatefold inner sleeve. So Bowie wasn’t really breaking new ground when he conceived the concept of Ziggy Stardust and the Spiders from Mars.

But the idea of playing a rock star, rather than simply attempting to become one, went to the core of Bowie as an artist in a much deeper way than it had with The Beatles or Zappa. It extended his sense of himself as an actor. Paradoxically, by seeing it as just one role out of the many he could take on, Bowie could commit to rocking out and to rock-star postures, despite having no great attachment to rock. As late as 1970, interviewed by Jeremy, Bowie located his heroes in English music hall (George Formby, Gracie Fields, Nat Jackley, Albert Modley), with chansonniers like Jacques Brel and oddballs like Tiny Tim thrown in. Bowie saw this as something that differentiated him from Bolan. ‘Marc only has his music …’ Bowie mused to the NME in 1972. ‘He knows that my areas stretch out, and so my conviction for music probably isn’t as strong as his … I can’t see myself always being a rock and roll singer.’ In other interviews, Bowie talked about feeling ‘like an actor when I’m on stage, rather than a rock artist’, and how ‘if anything, maybe I’ve helped establish that rock’n’roll is a pose’.

* * *

From the book SHOCK AND AWE: Glam Rock and Its Legacy, from the Seventies to the Twenty-First Century by Simon Ryenolds. Copyright © 2016 by Simon Reynolds. Reprinted by permission of Dey Street Books, an imprint of HarperCollins Publishers.


The Slave Who Outwitted George Washington

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Erica Armstrong Dunbar | Never Caught: The Washingtons Relentless Pursuit of Their Runaway Slave Ona Judge | Atria / 37 Ink | March 2017 | 19 minutes (5,244 words)

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MOUNT VERNON

Two years after the death of her owner, Betty learned her mistress was to remarry. She most likely received the news of her mistress’s impending second marriage with great wariness as word spread that Martha Custis’s intended was Colonel George Washington. The colonel was a fairly prominent landowner with a respectable career as a military officer and an elected member of the Virginia House of Burgesses. His marriage to the widowed Martha Custis would offer him instant wealth and the stability of a wife and family that had eluded him.

A huge yet necessary transition awaited Martha Custis as she prepared to marry and move to the Mount Vernon estate, nearly one hundred miles away. For Betty, as well as the hundreds of other slaves that belonged to the Custis estate, the death of their previous owner and Martha’s marriage to George Washington was a reminder of their vulnerability. It was often after the death of an owner that slaves were sold to remedy the debts held by an estate.

For enslaved women, the moral character of the new owner was also a serious concern. When George and Martha Washington married in January of 1759, Betty was approximately twenty-one years old and considered to be in the prime of her reproductive years. She was unfamiliar with her new master’s preferences, or more importantly, if he would choose to exercise his complete control over her body. All of the enslaved women who would leave for Mount Vernon most likely worried about their new master’s protocol regarding sexual relations with his slaves. But of greater consequence for Betty was the future for her young son, Austin. Born sometime around 1757, Austin was a baby or young toddler when his mistress took George Washington’s hand in marriage. To lose him before she even got to know him, to have joined the thousands who stood by powerlessly while their children were “bartered for gold,” as the poet Frances Ellen Watkins Harper wrote, would have been devastating

As she prepared to move to Mount Vernon, Martha Washington selected a number of slaves to accompany her on the journey to Fairfax County, Virginia. Betty and Austin were, to Betty’s relief, among them. The highest-valued mother-and-child pair in a group that counted 155 slaves, they arrived in April of 1759. Betty managed to do what many slave mothers couldn’t: keep her son. Austin’s very young age would have prohibited the Custis estate from fetching a high price if he were sold independently from his mother. Perhaps this fact, in addition to Betty’s prized position in the Custis household, ensured that she would stay connected to her child as she moved away from the place she had called home. As Martha Washington settled into her new life with her second husband at Mount Vernon, a sprawling estate consisting of five separate farms, Betty also adapted, continuing her spinning, weaving, tending to her son, and making new family and friends at the plantation. The intricacies of Betty’s romantic life at Mount Vernon remain unclear, but what we do know is that more than a decade after giving birth to Austin, Betty welcomed more children into the world. Her son, Tom, was born around 1769, and his sister Betty arrived in 1771.

Sometime around or after the June snow of 1773, Betty gave birth to a daughter named Ona Maria Judge. This girl child would come to represent the complexity of slavery, the limits of black freedom, and the revolutionary sentiments held by many Americans. She would be called Oney.

Bushy haired, with light skin and freckles, a young Ona probably spent some of her days playing with her siblings and other enslaved children in the Quarters. More often than not, though, she had to learn how to fend for herself. Judge and the other children at Mount Vernon cried out in loneliness for their parents, witnessed the brutality of whippings and corporal punishment, and fell victim to early death due to accidental fires and drowning. Childhood for enslaved girls and boys was fleeting and fraught with calamity. Many perished before reaching young adulthood. Judge’s childhood wasn’t shortened by a plantation fatality. Instead, hers ended at age ten, when she was called to serve Martha Washington up at the Mansion House.

NEW YORK

On April 30, 1789, George Washington took the oath of office and issued an inaugural address from the balcony of New York’s federal hall. Notably absent from the ceremony was his wife. While the first lady had traveled to see her husband during the American Revolution as he led the colonists in battle against the British, she wanted nothing more than to stay put and resented her husband’s call to public service that was taking them away from their Virginia home.

The slaves at Mount Vernon knew all too well about the displeasure of their mistress and had to add that to their list of concerns. Ona Judge, in particular, one of the favored house slaves, responsible for tending to her mistress’s needs, both emotional and physical, had to balance the first lady’s deep sadness, resentment, and frustration with her own fears about the move.

The young Ona Judge was far from an experienced traveler. The teenager knew only Mount Vernon and its surroundings and had never traveled far from her family and loved ones. For Judge the move must have been similar to the dreaded auction block. Although she was not to be sold to a different owner, she was forced to leave her family for an unfamiliar destination hundreds of miles away. Judge would have had no choice but to stifle the terror she felt and go on about the work of preparing to move. Folding linens, packing Martha Washington’s dresses and personal accessories, and helping with the grandchildren were the tasks at hand, and it wasn’t her place to complain or question. Judge had to remain strong and steady, if not for herself, then for her mistress who appeared to be falling apart at the seams. Like Judge, Martha Washington had no choice about the move to New York. Her life was at the direction of her husband, who was now the most powerful man in the country. Mrs. Washington and Ona Judge may have shared similar concerns, but of course only Martha Washington was allowed to express discontent and sorrow: Martha Washington was unhappy, and everyone knew it, including her frightened slave.

It is impossible to know how familiar the slaves at Mount Vernon were with the specifics of the changing laws of the North, of one state’s mandate versus another’s, but what is certain is that Judge had witnessed the act of running away. The slaves at Mount Vernon who successfully escaped reminded the bond people who remained that there were alternatives to the dehumanizing experience of slavery. Freedom, of course, was risky, and was never considered without great caution and planning, but perhaps a trip to New York would yield opportunities never imagined by the slaves who lived at Mount Vernon? Maybe life would be better in New York and perhaps they could find their way to freedom? As the slaves pondered what the move to New York might mean for them, they did so subtly. A slave could not appear to be too calculating or strategic, and no one wanted to spook the Washingtons, especially the very fragile Martha Washington.

youngcustis

Martha Dandridge Custis, a widow with two children, married George Washington on January 26, 1759, when she was 27 and he was 26. Martha’s dowry included more than 80 slaves. (NYPL Digital Collections)

The president and his wife were well aware that the practice of slavery was under attack in most of the Northern states. They also knew that though New York’s residents still clung to bound labor, public sentiment regarding African slavery was changing. Unwilling to even think about abandoning the use of black slaves, the president and the first lady were careful in their selection of men and women who traveled with them from Mount Vernon. Their selections involved only those slaves who were seen as “loyal” and therefore less likely to attempt escape. Skills in the art of house service were also a necessity.

The only bondwomen who were set to travel to New York were Ona Judge and Moll, a fifty-year-old seamstress. Judge and Moll would serve the first lady as housemaids and personal attendants. Judge would draw her mistress’s bath, prepare her bed clothing, brush her hair, tend to her when she was ill, and travel with her throughout the city on social calls. Moll would be responsible for the grandchildren who lived with the Washingtons. Moll would wipe noses, calm anxious souls awakened by nightmares, and make certain that the Washingtons’ grandchildren were well fed and dressed. Ona would help Moll in whatever way she could above and beyond fulfilling Martha Washington’s needs. The two women worked all day and every day under the careful watch of their mistress. The life of an enslaved domestic carried grueling and constant demands. Private time, time away from their mistress and master, was all but fleeting.

For decades, New Yorkers grappled with the issue of black emancipation. The Revolutionary War found men in the coffee shops of Philadelphia, Boston, and New York discussing the topics of freedom and citizenship, prompting some New Yorkers to rethink their commitment to slavery. But the drive to maintain human bondage was a slow-burning fire that stayed lit well into the nineteenth century. So, Washington’s decision to bring seven slaves from Mount Vernon to his new home on Cherry Street in 1789 was not considered unseemly or unusual. As was the case for many other elite whites, Washington’s use of slave labor was acceptable. Governor George Clinton owned eight slaves, and New York resident Aaron Burr owned five of his own. Yet these men were also involved in the New York Manumission Society, as were John Jay and Alexander Hamilton. Although the society engaged in conversation about gradually ending slavery, most of New York’s leaders remained uncommitted to this goal. Slave ownership was still a sign of upper-class status, so slavery in New York lived on.

It would have only taken a short time for Judge to figure out that the majority of whites who owned slaves didn’t own a great number of them. Unlike an estate such as Mount Vernon, which counted its bondmen and bondwomen in the hundreds, most slaveholders in New York City held one or two slaves. The majority of those who claimed human property were artisans, living above their small stores and rented shops, placing their human property in the attics and cellars of their already cramped homes. New York slave owners simply couldn’t own more than a couple of slaves, for there was nowhere to lodge them, unlike the slave quarters and cabins at Mount Vernon, which allowed slaves to sleep, eat, laugh, and love each other outside the walls of a master’s house.

What may have been even more surprising to Judge as she settled into residency in New York was that the majority of the blacks with whom she became acquainted were women. Although artisans and other slaveholders who invested in slave labor preferred male slaves, black women (both slave and free) were a significant presence in the city. Northern slavery was different from what the young Virginian knew. In cities of the North and Mid-Atlantic, slavery was an institution that depended upon black women not for their ability to reproduce but for their agility with the most arduous kinds of domestic work. Meal preparation, cleaning, and sewing were extremely taxing in the eighteenth century, and without the luxuries of running water or electricity, much of the work required lifting heavy buckets of water and cooking in unbearably hot kitchens or freezing sheds. For most black women who toiled as domestic slaves or servants, their bodies were broken, and their time was never their own.

PHILADELPHIA

Martha Washington, who had been so reluctant to join her husband in New York, now found herself saddened that as a result of a political compromise, brokered by Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson, the capital was moving to Philadelphia.

It was Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson who brokered the famed compromise between Southern and Northern coalitions in which the federal government assumed all state debt related to the American Revolution in exchange for landing a permanent nation’s capital along the Potomac River. The construction of the capital would take close to a decade, and Philadelphia’s consolation prize was the temporary relocation of the capital for a period of ten years starting in 1790.

One day, Attorney General Edmond Randolph appeared at the Executive Mansion, wanting to speak with the president regarding a pressing concern. Mrs. Washington typically had Ona Judge by her side, but she would have dismissed her slave before such a sensitive conversation took place. Angry and frustrated, the attorney general confided in the first lady, telling her about a problem that plagued slaveholders who resided in Philadelphia. Three of his slaves had run off, and the attorney general knew that he would not be able to get them back. Randolph reminded the first lady that Pennsylvania law required the emancipation of all adult slaves who were brought into the commonwealth for more than a period of six months. The attorney general either took for granted that his slaves would never learn of the law or believed that they were unfathomably faithful and would decide to remain enslaved to their master, even when the law did not require it.

Randolph offered his own experience as a cautionary tale, suggesting that the president’s family be careful about their own slaves, fearing that “those who were of age in this family might follow the example, after a residence of six months should put it in their power.” This warning gave Martha Washington reason to pause. The first lady understood the seriousness of the house call as well as the need for discreet and swift action. She listened to Randolph intently, thanked him for his visit, and quickly began discussions about the best plan of action. Her husband had to be notified immediately, and the slaves who lived on High Street needed to be kept from such inflammatory news. But the President’s House was not spacious, and voices carried through the hallways. Very little remained private in a space that was typically filled by twenty or more people. Just as Randolph’s slaves came to understand and utilize the gradual abolition law, so, too, might the Washingtons’ slaves. It would be painfully embarrassing and financially damaging if the president’s own slaves turned the laws of the state against him.

So the Washingtons devised a plan: the couple would shuffle their slaves to and from Mount Vernon every six months, avoiding the stopwatch of Pennsylvania black freedom. If an excursion to Virginia proved a hardship for the family, a quick trip to a neighboring state such as New Jersey would serve the same purpose. The hourglass of slavery would be turned over every six months, and the president knew there was no time to waste.

If Ona Judge and her enslaved companions uncovered the truth about their slave status in Philadelphia, they would possess knowledge that could set them free. Power would shift from the president to his human property, making them less likely to serve their master faithfully, and eventually, they might run away. Washington wrote that if his slaves knew that they had a right to freedom, it would “make them insolent in the State of Slavery.”

Judge spent the next five and a half years in Philadelphia, rotating every six months back to Mount Vernon or out of state, serving her masters while she watched the rest of the city’s enslaved population break free from the bonds of slavery. Her interactions with paid servants, contracted hired help, and with her own enslaved housemates informed her thoughts about her life and the possibilities of freedom. After the information breech regarding the Washingtons’ slave rotation, it would have been virtually impossible to keep Judge in the dark about the laws of the state.

Ona Judge was not the only person in Philadelphia who wondered about the future. While emancipation touched the lives of many black men and women who lived in the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, it was a process that was slow and cumbersome. Pennsylvania may have been revolutionary in its move to gradually end African slavery, but for black Philadelphians, especially those who were enslaved, change didn’t come fast enough. Some refused to wait for freedom, choosing to live the vulnerable life of a fugitive. During the 1780s, more than 160 slaves took their chances and headed north from the city, looking for freedom and anonymity. Most runaways were young black men, but the few women who attempted escape in Philadelphia often did so to join free husbands scattered about New England, often with their children in tow.

***

The enslaved who lived at the Executive Mansion measured their triumphs in the smallest of ways. Victories were days marked by the first lady’s good mood and defeat was palpable when the president was angered. For Ona Judge and the other slaves who served the Washingtons, the future was never predictable, and the smallest of matters, such as an accidental overcooking of a meal or antagonistic political news, could change the mood of their owners with the snap of a finger.

By his peers, the president was not considered a violent slave owner, but all of the slaves who worked for him in Philadelphia and at Mount Vernon knew that on occasion, he did lose his temper. And in February 1796, a letter arrived that prompted everyone, slave and servant, black and white, to tread lightly around George and Martha Washington.

None of the slaves at the President’s House knew what the future held. For Ona Judge, however, the uncertainty vanished with a startling piece of news. The marriage of Martha Washington’s granddaughter Eliza Custis was to cut her post in Philadelphia short.

Martha Washington knew that her granddaughter was completely unprepared for her new marriage to Thomas Law, British businessmen with the East India Company twenty years her senior who had two mixed-race children. She understood that the teenage Eliza knew nothing about the duties that accompanied a new marriage, let alone about setting up a new household in the Federal City. In an effort to help Eliza ease into her new matrimony, Martha Washington stepped in, and offered her granddaughter the support she needed: she would bequeath Judge to Eliza as a wedding gift. If Judge ever believed that her close and intimate responsibilities for her owner yielded preferential treatment, she now understood better. The bondwoman now knew for certain that in the  eyes of her owner, she was replaceable, just like any of the hundreds of slaves who toiled for the Washingtons.

The pangs of anxiety she felt were based not only on having to leave Philadelphia but also on having to work for and with Eliza Custis Law, a young woman with a stormy reputation. All who were acquainted with the president’s granddaughter commented upon her stubbornness and complete disregard for protocol. Eliza was unlike many elite eighteenth-century women in that she was assertive and refused to shrink from male authority. Family members joked that in “her tastes and pastimes, she is more man than woman and regrets that she can’t wear pants.” Eliza did what she wanted to do, often appearing irritated and labile. On occasion, she refused to go to church and other obligatory social functions, and her quick engagement to Thomas Law was a reminder to everyone that Eliza would be the architect of her own life.

elizabeth_parke_custis_law

Portrait of Elizabeth Parke Custis Law by Gilbert Stuart, c. 1796. Martha Washington’s granddaughter Elizabeth married Thomas Law when she was 19 and he was 39. They separated in 1804 and divorced in 1811.

Ona Judge would have also worried about the newest member of the Washington family, a man with a shadowy reputation. Thomas Law grew his fortune in India before arriving in the District of Columbia. The land speculator purchased close to five hundred lots around the new city, expecting to line his pockets with cash once the nation’s capital moved South. While his quick engagement to the president’s granddaughter painted him as an opportunist, Judge would have worried more about his principles and behavior, especially given his sketchy familial past. The new member of the family had arrived in America with two of his three sons, both illegitimate and both the children of an Indian woman. While there were many biracial children at Mount Vernon (Judge herself was one of them), Law’s children spoke to every slave woman’s fear: Thomas Law slept with nonwhite women, and wasn’t concerned about the gossip.

For a young woman such as Judge, the dangers of the unfamiliar— Eliza’s temper and Law’s sexual profile—served as an urgent incentive to run away.

ESCAPE

Judge had heard the stories of just how difficult it was to run away from an owner. One of the first obstacles for fugitive slaves to confront was the issue of Northern climates. The weather in cities such as Philadelphia up to the small towns of New England fluctuated constantly, and brutal Northeastern winters prompted slaves to consider spring or summer escapes. Two to three months out of every year, the Delaware River froze over, eliminating the sea as an escape route. The small rivers and creeks across the North were also impassable, often sending brave and desperate fugitives to premature, icy deaths. Roads, impassable from heavy snow and frozen mud, disabled even the strongest and most agile fugitives, trapping men and women on the run. Many lost their lives to hypothermia as they hid in the caves, barns, and alleyways of the North, with little to no food, or a proper winter coat or shoes.

Beyond the weather and difficult conditions, Judge likely contemplated just how few women made successful attempts at escape. Unlike Judge, the majority of fugitives—90 percent—from Pennsylvania down to Virginia, were male. The same held true for South Carolina and parts of the Upper South. There were many reasons for the extremely low number of female escapees, but historians have focused on the relationships between mothers and children as the main deterrent for female slaves.

Childless, Judge would not have to confront the horror of leaving one’s children behind for the opportunity of freedom. Of course, if she made the decision to escape, she would cut ties from her family back at Mount Vernon, a terrible choice to consider, but one that was altogether different from leaving behind a baby.

She had examined the facts—the mercurial Eliza, the biases against blacks, the treatment of blacks in the aftermath of the yellow fever epidemic, the danger of the Fugitive Slave Law—and Judge realized that if she ran away, she couldn’t plan her escape alone. So she took the biggest of gambles and confided in a group of crucial associates: free black allies.

Judge knew what the future held should she not heed the advice of her free black associates. “She supposed if she went back to Virginia, she should never have a chance to escape.” Once she learned that “upon the decease of her master and mistress, she would become the property of a grand-daughter of theirs by the name of Custis,” she knew that she had to flee. She imagined that her work for the Laws would begin immediately, not after the death of her owners, prompting a fierce clarity about her future and her dislike for Eliza Custis. “She was determined never to be her slave.” Her decision was made. She would risk everything to avoid the clutches of the new Mrs. Law.

Judge was well-informed, and knew that her decision to flee was far more than risky. But still, she was willing to face dog-sniffing kidnappers and bounty hunters for the rest of her life. Yes, her fear was consuming but so, too, was her anger. Judge could no longer stomach her enslavement, and it was the change in her ownership that pulled the trigger on Judge’s fury. She had given everything to the Washingtons. For twelve years she had served her mistress faithfully, and now she was to be discarded like the scraps of material that she cut from Martha Washington’s dresses. Any false illusions she had clung to had evaporated, and Judge knew that no matter how obedient or loyal she may have appeared to her owners, she would never be considered fully human. Her fidelity meant nothing to the Washingtons; she was their property, to be sold, mortgaged, or traded with whomever they wished.

The waiting was difficult. For nearly two weeks, Judge had to calm her nerves and suppress her anger, as allies completed the planning for her escape. She could not raise suspicions, so Judge worked in tandem with the rest of the household, as they made the necessary preparations for a lengthy trip back to Mount Vernon. Judge later stated, Whilst they were packing up to go to Virginia, I was packing to go, I didn’t know where; for I knew that if I went back to Virginia, I never should get my liberty

Not only did Ona Judge have to pack her things to leave, she also had to determine when she would escape. Although the Executive Mansion possessed more slaves and servants than did most Northern residences, Judge was the first lady’s preferred house slave and had to be available at all times for whatever reason.

There was only one duty from which she was exempt: meal preparation. The president often entertained dinner guests, extending the festivities into the evening and inviting guests to retire to the parlor to enjoy a bit of wine and additional conversation. This would be the only moment that Judge could use to her advantage.

And when the moment arrived, she gathered her steely nerves and fled. On Saturday, May 21, 1796, Ona Judge slipped out of the Executive Mansion while the Washingtons ate their supper. She disappeared into the free black community of Philadelphia.

***

No one knows exactly when Martha Washington realized that her prized slave was missing. Perhaps dinner ran well into the evening, and Judge’s absence went unnoticed until late that night. Or maybe the president and his wife uncovered her escape just minutes after Judge left the Executive Mansion. The details may never be uncovered. But once the Washingtons realized that Judge was gone, they quickly understood that it was highly unlikely that she possessed any intention of returning. Washington was accustomed to slaves running away from Mount Vernon. On occasion, they would return after several days or weeks, but unlike past attempts made by fugitives, Judge’s starting point was in the North. And the Washingtons knew time wasn’t on their side.

On May 23, 1796, just two days later, Frederick Kitt, the steward for the Executive Mansion, placed an ad in the Philadelphia Gazette acknowledging the disappearance of Ona Judge. He placed another ad in Claypoole’s American Daily Advertiser the next day with additional details about the escape. The language of the runaway ad was similar to others that appeared in eighteenth- century newspapers, describing Ona Judge while simultaneously announcing that she had defied the president: Absconded from the household of the President of the United States on Saturday afternoon, ONEY JUDGE, a light Mulatto girl, much freckled, with very black eyes, and bushy black hair— She is of middle stature, but slender, and delicately made, about 20 years of age. Judge’s runaway ad went on to describe the possessions that she had packed up. The ad noted that Judge had “many changes of very good clothes of all sorts, but they are not sufficiently recollected to describe.”

Judge would have been warned against spending any time in New York, the place she once called home and where she was recognizable. Free blacks in Philadelphia would have urged her to flee with the most urgent speed and to make no stops along the way to her final destination. Harboring a fugitive was punishable by a fine and/or imprisonment, and to assist the president’s slave in her escape would have been even more dangerous. Those who aided Judge pushed for an expeditious departure, knowing the president was prepared to use all of his immense power to recapture his property. Judge needed to leave Philadelphia as fast as possible and looked to the wharves of the Delaware River to make her escape.

In fact, Judge escaped the city by boat. In her 1845 interview, Judge told of her journey to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, on a vessel that was commanded by Captain John Bowles. Judge remained secretive about her escape almost her whole life, only announcing the name of the captain more than a decade after his death, in July of 1837: “I never told his name till after he died, a few years since, lest they should punish him for bringing me away.” Ona Judge knew that she owed her life to Bowles.

Ona Judge had never before sailed on such a ship, a single-masted sloop that could carry up to seventy-five people (depending on the size of the cargo). These vessels were designed to haul freight from one coastal town to the next, but ship captains like Bowles earned extra money by allowing passengers to ride along. Any seafaring voyages that Judge might have taken with the Washingtons would have been close to enjoyable. Short river crossings in relatively luxurious vessels were what Judge had come to know, but she had turned her back on all of it. Now on board the Nancy, space was minimal and travelers lodged themselves wherever there was room. Once again, the fugitive found herself sleeping in tight quarters, but this time it was with strangers—some were traveling home to visit with family and friends and others who, like Judge, were leaving behind a difficult past for the possibilities of a new future in Portsmouth.

For five days, Judge contained her fear. She could not appear too nervous, as passengers were already throwing quick and curious glances toward the light-skinned black woman who traveled alone. She knew that the Washingtons were looking for her and that by now her name and a bounty probably appeared in many of the Philadelphia newspapers. She wondered how much of a reward was attached to her recapture, a thought that sent her eyes to scan the strangers on board. Surely none of Washington’s agents had made it to Bowles’s ship before it left Dock Street, but she wouldn’t know this for certain until the Nancy reached New Hampshire. The beautiful and expensive clothing that she wore to serve the Washingtons was packed away, and instead, Judge would have dressed in inconspicuous clothing, allowing her to hide in plain sight. She was a hunted woman and would try to pass, not for white, but as a free black Northern woman.

***

From Never Caught: The Washingtons’ Relentless Pursuit of Their Runaway Slave, Ona Judge by Erica Armstrong Dunbar. © 2017 by Erica Armstrong Dunbar. Reprinted by permission of 37 Ink/Atria Books, a Division of Simon & Schuster, Inc.

Considering the Wall

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Max Adams | In the Land of Giants: A Journey Through the Dark Ages | Pegasus | October 2016 | 15 minutes (4,012 words) 

Below is an excerpt from In the Land of the Giants, by Max Adams. This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky.

* * *

I am surprised when I come suddenly upon the Wall.

Just after dawn on a late November day the North Pennines air is rigid with cold. A thick hoar of frost blankets pasture and hedge, reflecting white-blue light back at an empty sky. The last russet leaves clinging to a copse of beech trees set snug in the fold of a river valley filter lazy, hanging drifts of smoke from a wood fire. The sunlight is a dreamy veil of cream silk.

I am surprised when I come suddenly upon the Wall. I have not followed the neat, fenced, waymarked route from the little village of Gilsland which straddles the high border between Northumberland and Cumbria, but struck directly across country and, with the sun in my eyes, I do not see Hadrian’s big idea until I am almost in its shadow. Sure, it stops you in your tracks. It is too big to climb over (that being the point), so I walk beside it for a couple of hundred yards. The imperfect regularity of the sandstone blocks is mesmerizing, passing before one’s eyes like the holes on a reel of celluloid. This film is an epic: eighty Roman miles, a strip cartoon story that tells of military might, squaddy boredom, quirky native gods, barbarian onslaught, farmers, archaeologists, ardent modern walkers and oblivious livestock. I am somewhere between Mile 49 and Mile 50, counting west from Wallsend near the mouth of the River Tyne. The gap in the Wall, when I find it, is made by the entrance to Birdoswald fort. Birdoswald: where the Dark ages begin.

There is no one here but me on this shining day. The farm that has stood here in various guises for around fifteen hundred years is now a heritage center. On a winter weekday I have Birdoswald to myself. Just me and the shimmering light and the odd chough cawing away in a skeletal tree. In places the stone walls of this once indomitable military outpost still stand five or six feet high. Visible, in its heyday, from all horizons, the Roman fort layout was built on a well-tested model: from above, it is the shape of a playing card, with the short sides facing north and south. Originally designed so that three of the six gates (two in each long side, one at either end in the center) protruded beyond the line of the Wall, the fort was not so much part of a defensive frontier, more a launching pad for expeditions, patrols and forays in the lands to the north. Rome did not hide behind its walls; the legions did not cower. Any soldier from any part of the Empire would have known which way to turn on entering the gate; where the barrack rooms would be; where to find the latrines and bread ovens; how to avoid the scrutiny of the garrison commander after a late-night binge or an overnight stay in the house of the one of the locals. Uniformity was part of the Roman project.

Any native on any frontier would get to know the layout too. The British warrior might, in those first years of the Wall’s existence during the 120s, try to attack it; when that failed he would herd his livestock through its gates to his summer pastures and pay a tax on his sheep or cattle. British women would barter their homespun goods for ironwares or posh crockery; one day their sons might be recruited into its garrison. The Brittunculi or Little Britons, as a Vindolanda tablet suggests they were called by their imperial betters, might grow to like the idea of the Empire.

Outside Birdoswald fort, to the east, the frosted surface of a smooth, grassy field conceals the magnetic traces from geophysical mapping of a small village, or vicus, which grew up alongside. These vici were native British settlements, clinging like limpets to their military protectors, supplying them with goods and services and probably with children, wanted or unwanted. Much the same thing happens in frontier provinces today. You see it on documentaries filmed in the dodgier parts of Afghanistan—only there the Taliban regards such integration or fraternization as a capital crime. When the Western troops leave, and they are leaving as I write, one fears for the safety of the inhabitants. When Rome came to this frontier, she came to stay.

To the south, the line of the Wall, and this fort, are protected by the deep, sinuous gorge of the River Irthing, the western of two rivers which between them create the Tyne–Solway gap linking east and west coasts. This gap has been a lowland route through the Pennines for many thousands of years. Two generations before Hadrian the Romans built a road along this line, known in later times as the Stanegate, so that they could rapidly deploy troops along its length. Much of that road is still in use, or at least passable. And long after Hadrian, General Wade had his redcoats build a road following much the same route to keep Jacobites at bay. The gap between the headwaters of the Rivers Irthing and South Tyne is narrow: no more than four miles. Near Greenhead, just to the south-east of Gilsland, is the watershed boundary, the pass, a choke-point through which modern road and railway, ancient Wall and eighteenth-century military road must squeeze.

To the north, Birdoswald—Banna to the Romans—looks onto a landscape of boggy mires, dispersed sheep farms and conifer plantations, with another twenty odd miles before the modern border is reached. It is an odd thought: this land, so often fought over, has been at peace for two hundred and fifty years. The old border garrisons of Carlisle and Newcastle have almost lost their walls; standing on either coast halfway up the island of Britain, they are just like other modern cities. Had Scotland voted for independence in September 2014, that defunct border could have been revived; we might have had customs posts, and police on either side might have spent their time chasing smugglers once again. It may still happen. It would amuse the legionary builders of this place to think of their imperial customs booths being reopened after nearly two millennia; it would not surprise them. Sometimes borders are self-defining.

* * *

These things don’t just happen.

During the middle of the fourth century, long before the traditional date of ad 410, when the Roman administration dissolved the province of Britannia, the roof of one of the granaries (horrea) at Birdoswald collapsed. These things don’t just happen. The Roman auxiliary cohorts who had been stationed here for two hundred years relied on periodic resupply from the coast ports and on storing the fruits of each year’s harvest. Leaky roofs and military efficiency don’t go together; so either slackness was creeping in or the fort had been abandoned. That’s how it seems at first sight. But the subtle text of stratified deposits read by archaeologists tells a more complex story. The fort was not abandoned; and when, in the 360s, a huge barbarian onslaught threatened to overwhelm the province, Rome and her generals responded. After the north granary at Birdoswald lost its roof, its stones and tiles were used elsewhere. The floor of a second granary, immediately to the south, was reflagged, its under-floor heating flues blocked—to keep out draughts, or rats? The centurions’ quarters were remodeled to allow for the construction of a building with a small apse—a by then fashionable Christian church, perhaps. The abandoned north granary was used as a rubbish dump, but part of the main street frontage was refaced with dressed stone and a new barrack block was built. Neither slackness nor abandonment explains the halving of the fort’s storage facilities. More likely, the realities of the frontier zone changed.

Rome was not a static force any more than the British Empire was in its day. Three hundred years is a long time. As the empire stretched, then overstretched, as emperors’ fortunes waxed and waned, as troops and political interests migrated from one distant land to another, local commanders became increasingly autonomous. Centrally organized lines of supply, overly bureaucratic and too bloated to adapt to local realities, were superseded or bypassed. Pay wagons turned up with hard cash less often. Commanders took an active role in supplying garrisons from their immediate hinterland; probably they got more involved in the administration of local politics. The relationship between occupying force and native elite became more intimate, the integration more complete. By the middle of the fourth century Wall garrisons consisted mostly of troops called Limitanei, that is, frontiersmen. Many of the men had probably been born within a few miles of Birdoswald; their fathers had been soldiers before them. They spoke the native language known as Brythonic—an early form of Welsh—and were embedded in the native communities of the Wall zone. They revered a suite of local divinities and the odd imperial god, especially Jupiter. After Constantine, who was declared emperor in York in 306, they may have felt inclined, or obliged, to rationalize their pantheon and worship the one true God Jehovah and his charismatic, earthbound son.

The garrison commanders were an elite cadre. They could afford to modify their official quarters with bespoke trappings like Christian chapels or bath houses. Their dress and social class set them apart culturally and politically. In many places they brought with them in their deployments personal retinues from far-flung provinces of the geriatric, obese empire, now disintegrating and under threat of being overrun. The rigid formal structure of the old imperial army, mirrored in the fixed, square-shaped identikit forts of the first and second centuries, became flexible, individualized. The emergence of a vernacular tradition, blending native and foreign with a distinct local cultural flavor, meant that each fort and town was recognizable by its own regional idiosyncrasies. Many of the late imperial commanders had been recruited from the northern boundaries of the Empire from whose ongoing conflicts and edginess fine warriors were raised. Many of them must have spoken Germanic tongues.

* * *

We are talking barn conversions.

No one noticed the beginning of the Dark Age in Britain. It started in different ways and at different times in different places. Rome never lost interest in these islands; they bore valuable minerals, their soils were fertile and their conquest had been a prestigious triumph of the imperial project of the first century ad. But distance stretches and thins one’s interest; as the Empire reformed in the East and as Western emperors focused their attentions on Gaul, Hispania and Germania, it became harder to keep up with what was happening in Britannia: the distant relative was slowly lost to the family. In the towns of Roman Britain decline may have begun as early as the third century, as local elites increasingly favored the country life and became bored with Rome’s urban experiment, its high-maintenance sewage and water supplies, tedious civic snobbery and the tendency of the urban proletariat to riot on almost any pretext. On the coasts, vulnerable to a Continental penchant for piratical raiding, life from the early fourth century onwards could be uncomfortable even with the presence of the imperial navy to watch Britain’s shores facing Ireland and Saxony, Frisia and Pictland. In the cultured, decadent luxury of the Cotswolds, where superb country villas sat in an ordered, fertile and bucolic landscape, reality might not have dawned until the middle of the fifth century when effete toga-wearing Romano-British aristos woke up to find revolting peasants stealing their prize heifers and touting the heresy of a suspiciously liberal British-born cleric called Pelagius.

At Birdoswald the moment can, in its way, be quite precisely identified, with fifteen hundred years of hindsight to draw on. At the very end of the fourth century the south granary, renovated some decades before, had a succession of hearths built into its west end. When excavated, their ashes were found to contain some rather nobby personal items: a green glass ring, a gold and glass earring. More importantly for the excavator, Tony Wilmott, there was a worn coin of the Emperor Theodosius (reigned 388–85), which gives some idea of the date after which these fires were in use. Archaeologists, when finds and structures tell them they are excavating deposits of the fifth century, get a shiver down their spine: these moments are desperately rare.

Hearths seem odd things to have in a granary: fire and grain are a dangerous combination. Was the garrison now so compact, were the other buildings in such a state of disrepair, that the garrison commander had moved himself and his family into the grain store and fitted it out as domestic quarters because it was the only building left that would keep out the winter weather? Were these people cowering among ruins?

There is another way of looking at it. We are talking barn conversions. Not so much retreating to the corner of a bar because it’s the only building with a roof; more likely, the commander liked to have the company of his men for good cheer and fireside stories in those long nights of winter when they talked of the old days, of battles and life on campaign. The barn still had a good solid roof, maintained because it was where all the local produce came in and had to be stored for the year ahead. This produce was no longer paid for in cash (these late coins of Theodosius were about the last to make it to Britain from the imperial mints); the natives were required to give a few days’ labor and to donate a proportion of their harvest and other agricultural produce—say, a tenth. The commander still had his own quarters, nice bath suite, private chapel—wife from a local well-to-do family or perhaps an exotic Dacian bride who played a quasi-diplomatic role in the local community and kept a small but tasteful salon, as British army wives sometimes did in colonial India. Often, and especially when there had been a good harvest or on the quarter days of the native festive calendar when communal gatherings were de rigueur, it seemed right to have a feast in the barn, to share the land’s bounty, dispense a little justice and a few trinkets from the bazaars of Alexandria and reinforce old and prospective loyalties. The man who sat at the center of the long feasting benches was more of a local worthy and judge than a garrison commander. One is tempted to use the word ‘squire’. Gifts were exchanged; promises made; eligible young men and women affianced. Poems were composed and sung, wine and local mead consumed: drinking horns for the men, Rhineland glass beakers for the commander and his wife. Understanding the rules of patronage was becoming just as important as running a tight ship or ruthlessly enforcing the imperial law.

This cozy scenario takes us well into the fifth century, when there is virtually no narrative history for the British Isles, just rumors of civil war and raiding Saxons, plague and famine. Traders from the Continent came to these parts less frequently. We know that Gaulish bishops visited, retaining their solidarity with the British church long after secular link shad been severed. But no emperor came after the departure of Constantine III in 407. Rarely does archaeology have anything meaningful to say about the two centuries after 400: there are no new coins to date the layers; almost no inscriptions, and those few that do exist are difficult to date. The pottery found in native settlements might just well be that of the Iron Age. Even radiocarbon dating is unreliable for these centuries and, unless you are in the peaty bogs of Ireland, wood rarely survives to be dated by its tree rings. The fifth century existed all right—we just can’t see it. It is like the Dark Matter which fills our universe but can’t be seen or measured. The record falls silent, even if echoes and rumors of echoes are heard across the Channel in the courts of Byzantium, Arles and Ravenna.

Almost the earliest indigenous written account of events in Britain after the end of Rome is a note in an Easter calendar called the Annales Cambriae, its only surviving copy belonging to hundreds of years after the event. Under Anno I, which historians believe equates to the year ad 447, is a simple, bleak Latin entry: Dies tenebrosa sicut nox: ‘days as dark as night’. That just about says it all, even if it is an obscure reference to some distant volcano or a really terrible winter.

* * *

The works of giants.

At Birdoswald life went on, perhaps until the first years of the sixth century. On top of the defunct north granary a timber replacement was erected using the old stone foundations to give it solidity and a floor. Years passed. Finally, a similar structure was erected in more or less the same place, only it was designed to line up with a remodeled gate on the west side of the fort. The new building, imposing in its dimensions and constructed using great hewn crucks, looks for all the world like one of the timber halls of poetic legend: the Heorot of Beowulf. And if, at times, the walls were hung with spears and shields and the air rang to the sound of drunken song and poetry, with boasts of victories and laments for fallen comrades, it was, after all, still a barn. Were its carousing warriors and petty chiefs, its quartermasters and poets Romans, Britons or Anglo-Saxons? Who can say? Did they themselves know or care? And was the successor to the commander in whose name this grand design was built a rival, an imposed replacement, or a son?

Even the casual visitor to Birdoswald can’t fail to be impressed by the solidity of the foundations where the north granary has been excavated, its footings and buttresses consolidated. Where the post pads for the new timber hall of the fifth century were sited English Heritage has installed great round logs, like oversized telegraph poles, standing a few feet high to give an idea of the size and layout. It is a crude reconstruction, and yet viscerally effective in demonstrating the moment and mindset that changed Roman into Early Medieval. What is particularly striking is that the new timber hall was much wider than the old granary. If the south-granary-cum-barn-cum-feasting-hall was mere adaptation, with a hearth at one end and perhaps a partition in the middle, then the new hall built over the ruins of the north granary was a more ambitious vision, designed for the commander of the fort (be he a dux of his cohort, a war-band leader or petty tribal chief) to sit in the center of one of the long sides with his companions ranged on benches on either side, a glowing fire before him in the center and, perhaps, with doors at either end. This is truly a building in which the mythical Beowulf would have felt at home. And we must suspect that this was not an isolated structure: the Birdoswald of ad 450–500 was a busy place.

The fort at Banna, high in the Pennines, may just have an even more potent role to play in our history. St. Patrick claimed, in his Confessio, that he had been born and brought up in a place called Bannavem Taberniae, son of a local landowner called Calpurnius whose father, Potitus, had been a priest. His vita is difficult to date, but some time in the middle and later decades of the fifth century is plausible. Several modern scholars believe that this place name should read Banna Venta Berniae: the ‘settlement at Banna in the land of the high passes’. Berniae shares its root with the name Bernicia, the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of north Northumbria. That Patrick, taken by slaves to Ireland, should have unwillingly launched his epic career as an Irish patron saint at this remote, beautiful spot, is quite a thought.

And then there is Arthur. Historical references to the legendary Romano-British warlord are very few: a list of twelve battles; a great victory recorded at a place called Badon (perhaps Bath in Somserset); a death notice; a possible mention in a battle poem. Arthur may be, as many historians have argued, an irrelevance, a distraction. There are ‘southern’ Arthurs and ‘northern’ Arthurs, never mind the medieval romantic hero of Camelot. Those who favor the northern version argue that the notice of his death in 537 during the ‘Strife of Camlann’ places him on the Roman Wall; for Camlann seems to be derived from Camboglanna. It used to be thought, erroneously, that this Roman fort, mentioned in the very late Roman list of imperial postings called the Notitia Dignitatum, must be Birdoswald. Now it is accepted that it should be Castlesteads, some seven miles to the west. Either way, there are those who would place both Patrick and Arthur on this stretch of the Wall between the fifth and sixth centuries.

Narrative histories do not get us very far towards an understanding of these islands in the centuries after Roman rule. An early sixth-century British monk called Gildas wrote of civil wars, of invasion, fire, sword and famine (and mentioned a victory at Badon without naming the victor), but nothing of the everyday comings and goings which sustained life. The Kentish Chronicle, fascinating in its melodrama but of doubtful veracity, tells of the foolish British tyrant Vortigern who made a fatal drunken deal with two Saxon pirates (a pretty girl was involved) and sold Britain’s soul and future. Even Bede, the greatest of our early historians, writing nearly three centuries later, covers the nearly one hundred and fifty years after 450 with a single paragraph. The odd memorial stone offers us the name of a Christian priest living in a far-flung community; but no suggestion of when, or why. Occasionally a Continental source records or speculates on the visit of a Gaulish saint or bishop to these islands or on their encounters with pagans and heresies, but not of how people moved around their landscape, how they grew old, tended their sick or brought up their children. Archaeology sometimes tells us where people lived and what they ate, show they constructed their houses; but it says frustratingly little about their relations or their identity. We must piece together these fragmentary sources and animate them. But if we cannot construct a narrative history, what can we say about the journey of the peoples of Britain between the last days of Rome and those of Bede or the Vikings?

This was an age when people believed that the material ruins of lost cultures—the walls and fountains, megalithic tombs and great earthworks, the aqueducts, henges and stone circles that populated their landscape and poetry and framed their psyches—had been built in a lost time by a race of giants. An Anglo-Saxon elegy called ‘the Ruin’, first written down, perhaps, in the eighth century, marvels at nature’s conquest of these great works. The poet writes:

Wondrous is this stone wall, wrecked by fate;
The city buildings crumble, the works of giants decay.
Roofs have caved in, towers collapsed,
Barren gates are broken, hoar frost clings to mortar,
Houses are gaping, tottering and fallen,
Undermined by age. The earth’s embrace,
Its fierce grip, holds the mighty craftsmen;
They are perished and gone. A hundred generations
have passed away since then. This wall, grey with lichen
and red of hue, outlives kingdom after kingdom,
Withstands tempests; its tall gate succumbed.

* * *

Excerpted with permission from In the Land of Giants: A Journey Through the Dark Ages, by Max Adams. Reprinted by arrangement with Pegasus Books. All rights reserved.

Poem quoted at the end of the excerpt is: “The Ruin”, translated by K. Crossley-Holland, The Anglo-Saxon World: An Anthology, Oxford World’s Classics, 2009.

Chasing the Harvest: ‘If You Want to Die, Stay at the Ranch’

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Gabriel Thompson | Chasing the Harvest: Migrant Workers in California Agriculture | Voice of Witness / Verso Press | May 2017 | 17 minutes (4,736 words)

The stories of the more than 800,000 men, women, and children working in California’s fields—one third of the nation’s agricultural work force—are rarely heard. The new book Chasing the Harvest compiles the oral histories of some of these farmworkers. Longreads is proud to publish this excerpt about Heraclio Astete, who shared his story with journalist Gabriel Thompson.

***

Heraclio Astete

Age: 62

Occupation: Former sheepherder

Born in: Junín, Peru

Interviewed in: Bakersfield, Kern County

Agricultural Region: Central Valley

 

Along with fruit and vegetable crops, California’s agriculture also includes livestock, from dairy cows and egg-laying hens to hogs and even ostriches. Then there are sheep and lambs—and the unique challenges faced by the workers who care for them. These sheepherders are predominantly temporary guest workers, often called “H-2A workers” after the type of visa they hold.

Theirs is a lonely occupation. Living out of primitive trailers that are dozens of miles from the nearest town, sheepherders can go weeks without seeing another face. It is also the poorest paid job in the country, with some sheepherders still earning around $750 a month; with their long hours of work, that amounts to about a dollar an hour. In a 2000 report by Central California Legal Services, ninety percent of sheepherders reported that they weren’t given a day off over the entire year. When asked about their best experience as a sheepherder in the United States, many responded: “None.”

Like many sheepherders, Heraclio Astete came from Peru, where he grew up caring for flocks of sheep in his hometown. And like many of the workers who responded “None” to the survey, he had a lot of complaints about workplace exploitation. When he suffered a potentially life threatening work-related illness, he decided to do something about it.

 

Also in this series, a produce truck driver and former lettuce worker recounts the sexual harassment she faced while working in the fields of Salinas Valley, California.

Read the story

Going to School in Lima Was a Dream For Me

My name is Heraclio Astete, and I was born in Peru, in Junín. It’s a city in Peru’s central mountains. My parents were farmers, and they worked raising animals. We had sheep, horses, cows—we lived in the city but spent most of our time in the country.

I have great memories of my childhood, because I was able to spend so much time with my parents and my five sisters. The thing I remember best about Junín were the festivals. We’d always go. Every year there was a big festival on August 6, which is the anniversary of the Battle of Junín. It’s the town’s biggest party, and everyone has a great time. As a child I’d be in parades with my classmates, and there’d be all sorts of sports competitions—track and field, cycling races, soccer—that we’d watch or participate in.

I have strong memories of Junín, but for much of my childhood, I was in the country. My parents’ farm was outside town near the village where my mother grew up. It’s called San Pedro.

My sisters and I started helping with herding the animals at six or seven years old. We’d stay with them out in the fields, then we’d bring them back to the barn at night. I was working at the same time that I was going to school. So on school days, we’d be up at 5:30 to take the animals out to the fields to graze. Then my sisters and I would travel into the city for breakfast, before heading off to school. Sometimes we took our homework back to the country to work on while we watched the animals in the fields. Then every weekend was spent entirely on the farm. Financially we weren’t too comfortable, but we were sort of middle class.

In Peru I had the chance to go to primary school, high school, and university. I went to the Universidad Guzmán y Valle in Lima. I’d been to Lima before, but going to school there was a dream for me—all of us in the provinces aspire to make it to the capital.

At university I studied education, because I always liked spending time with kids. I graduated in 1983. And after I graduated, I went home. My mom made a special request of me—she wanted me to start a little school in San Pedro. At the time, children from the community could go to nearby villages for primary school, but there was no secondary school in the area. So I promised my mom I’d start one.

In San Pedro there were more or less 500 people, but no real centralized village. Everyone lived spread out on their ranches because they were all farmers, but there was one old house that marked the center of the village that was called the communal house. That’s where I started the school. To start, I had about twenty-seven students. The second year it had grown to thirty-four. I was the first director of the school and one of the first teachers. We ran it as a community managed education center, and then after two years, the state took over and it became a government-funded public school.

After the state took over the school, I went back to my hometown of Junín to teach. But the school I started kept growing. It’s still there today, and now it even has electricity.

 

Every Time I Visited the School I Founded, I Felt Like I Was Taking My Life in My Hands

I taught in Junín for eight years. They were difficult times, though. I was teaching when Shining Path was on the rise.* It was a real tragedy for my country. Between the insurgents and reprisals from the government, you didn’t know when you went out on the street if you’d come back home.

* Shining Path was a notoriously violent Maoist guerrilla group that took up arms against the Peruvian government in 1980.

Shining Path targeted teachers. I believe Shining Path’s thinking was that teachers were the ones responsible for their students’ ideology, and if students were to have the right ideology, teachers would have to be replaced. Although it was more complicated than that—when teachers went missing, it was never clear whether it was Shining Path or the army of Peru that was responsible. I had colleagues from other districts and villages disappear, and we’d never find out what happened to them. Every time I went back to San Pedro to visit the school I founded, I always felt like I was taking my life in my hands.

During the eighties, I got married to a woman named Aída and had a son and daughter. In 1991, my wife was pregnant with our third child, and there simply wasn’t any money. The government had fallen apart completely, and government employees such as teachers were barely getting paid. So I tried to make the best decision I could for my family, and I looked into leaving the country to make money. I decided to go to the United States.

I had a brother-in-law who had already been in the north for many years with the H-2A program. He’d made the decision to work in the U.S. for the same reason—because social problems were worsening in Peru and the economy was a complete disaster.

To participate in the H-2A program I had to apply for a U.S. work visa. To do that, I went to Lima. There’s an agency there that represents a U.S. farming company—Western Range Association. My brother-in-law worked for the company, and he’d already talked with the boss here in the United States, so the boss asked the American government for my visa. I arranged my paperwork with the company in Lima, and then they sent me the visa and I was able to travel. I was told I would work as a sheepherder. It was something I’d done all through my childhood, so I felt I was prepared.

I signed a contract that stated that I had to stay in the United States for three years. If things worked out, I could renew the contract for another three years. But I just wanted to make money to support my family and then come home.

 

That Night We Cried Together, and Then the Next Day We Got to Work

I left for the States in October 1991. I flew from Lima to Los Angeles to Idaho, where I first worked. I remember landing in Idaho, and everything was covered in a blanket of snow. Everything I saw was white. I’d never seen anything like it. We had snow in Peru, but not much. A Mexican worker from the company came to the airport to pick me up, and then we drove hours away from the city to get to the ranch. We drove through a little town called Castleford, and then the ranch was about 20 miles further out from there. We arrived at the ranch in the afternoon and there I met other Peruvians who were also working at the ranch. We spent some time together and talked and told our stories. That night we cried together, and the next day we got to work.

We started really early, at about 5 a.m. There were six of us with the animals, and a supervisor. I was hired as a sheepherder, but my first job was actually to work in a cow feeding lot. Every day we had to carry bales of hay around and distribute it to all of the cows for food. That work lasted more or less until 11 a.m. and we barely had time to cook and eat lunch, and then we had to go back out with the animals.

One of the things I remember most from Idaho was the cold. I started working in October and it had already snowed. In November or December, it would sometimes get to 10 degrees, 15 degrees below zero. It’s very hard during winter because of the cold. Even though we had thermal coveralls, we almost couldn’t stand it. We had gloves too, thick leather gloves. But despite that, we were always terribly cold because we were outside for as much as twelve hours a day. All of us from time to time would think, What am I doing here? But we all had families back home that we needed to send money to.

Finally we’d head inside at 6 or 7 p.m., depending on the time of the year. We didn’t rest until the end of the day, and then we were still responsible for the wellbeing of the animals. There were no Saturdays or Sundays. There was no punching in or punching out. We were at the will of our bosses, and we worked almost 365 days of the year.

In Idaho we earned $750 a month, and it didn’t matter how many hours a day we put in. To get it to our families we’d plead with the boss to have him wire funds to the Bank of Peru. Back then there was no Western Union or any agencies that wire money between banks. Every year we had one week of paid vacation. But none of us had any place to go, so we’d stay put.

I was in Idaho for two years, but then the boss sold off some of his animals, so there were two of us left redundant. One day I was told I was being sent to California. I think the other extra guy was sent to Montana. I was a Western Range employee, and I was in the United States legally only because they’d hired me. So I could be moved by the boss to wherever they needed me. I didn’t know anything about California. The word California meant nothing to me, other than I knew it was a state.

So for the last year of my first contract I was flown to California and driven to Delano. It wasn’t as cold, but work in California was harder than work in Idaho in some ways. For one, instead of staying in a bunkhouse with other workers, I stayed by myself in a trailer in the pastures that didn’t have heat, air conditioning, or a bathroom. I felt like a nomad.

My job was a twenty-four-hour a day job. In a typical day, I’d get up at 4 or 5 a.m. and check on the animals. Then I’d go around and work on the fencing—we worked with fencing that could be moved depending on where the sheep were grazing. Then in the evening I’d be back with the flock again. Even at night, I’d have to stay alert.

Most days it was just me and the animals out there together. There were a lot of restrictions, and the bosses didn’t want workers socializing much. In those days, we weren’t even allowed to have a television, radio, or newspapers and magazines. If the bosses found any of these things they’d say we were distracted and wasting time. There were many times that a boss told me I wasn’t allowed to have this or that. The bosses were also very suspicious of visitors, and if my boss saw tire tracks on the road near my trailer, he’d grill me about who had passed by. We weren’t supposed to have visitors.

So I was entirely by myself, with nothing to do. The entire day was spent simply taking care of the sheep. My only companion was a little dog named Lagún. The boss, a Basque Spaniard, had named him. Apparently in Basque the name Lagún means “friend.” And indeed he was my loyal friend. But I wasn’t around other people much, and I’d talk to myself like a crazy person when I was alone. And then maybe once a day the boss would come by to check on me, but I was often in the pasture when he stopped by, so I didn’t see him.

Sheep are peaceful animals: they don’t make any trouble at all. They do require a high degree of care, though. I was in charge of grazing anywhere from 1,200 to 2,000 sheep. Near Delano we had to be wary of foxes, coyotes, and rattlesnakes. Coyotes can do a lot of damage, especially during the fall during lambing season. That’s when you can’t really sleep the entire night, because you have to stay alert for predators. The sheep would sleep near the trailers and Lagún would bark whenever there was a wild animal near. Then I’d hop up and go scare off the coyote or whatever it was.

It was terrible in months like July and August trying to sleep inside the trailer. Sometimes I couldn’t sleep at all because it was so hot. Many times I would go sleep outside because of the heat and also to keep an eye on the sheep.

During this whole time, my wife and children were living in Junín. We didn’t have phone lines or access to phones, so the only way I could communicate with her was by letter, and those often arrived late or got lost. It was by letter that I’d found out my second daughter was born. I didn’t hear until two months after it happened. It was very hard to be away from family for those three years. I was used to a different kind of life, and adjusting to life in the United States was difficult. I struggled with a lot of things I wasn’t used to, and one of the main things was loneliness. But I wanted to improve my family’s financial situation, so that’s why I stayed.

 

I Was Back with My Family for Only Ten Months

Finally, in 1994, my contract ended and I went back to Peru. I got to meet my new daughter for the first time, and she was already old enough that she was walking. I wasn’t able to get a teaching job again, but I had a plan to invest some of the money I’d made while in the States. I bought a new vehicle and I was set to be a driver. Unfortunately, transportation laws changed just after I bought the vehicle, and the one I’d bought didn’t qualify anymore for a commercial driver registration.

I couldn’t use it to make money, and I had no other job, so I started thinking of what else to do. I talked to my old boss about having another chance to come back to Delano, and he said the job was still available. I talked to my wife about it, and she didn’t like the idea of me leaving again, but she understood that I didn’t have any other good choices. So I applied for an H-2A visa, and got accepted again.

I was back with my family for only ten months. In October 1994 I went back to Delano under a new three-year contract. I had the same job, the same tasks, the same hours as before. Everything was the same.


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“If You Want to Die, Stay at the Ranch”

I completed a three-year contract, then started another one. My plan was to finish the second contract and then finally head back to Peru for good. That would have taken me from 1994 to 1999. But things didn’t go as I’d planned them.

In July 1998, I was out setting fences with some of the other workers. We went out at dawn. After the sun came up it was a very hot day in the desert, and I was feeling very uncomfortable. We’d brought ice water with us, and I drank some to cool off, but it didn’t seem to help. I was sure I was just fatigued. We continued with the work, and after the fences were repaired we fed the animals. There was always work to be done.

Late that night, I began to feel a fever coming on. I felt chills, and my body ached. I thought maybe I’d been dehydrated and overheated. But I started coughing and felt worse and worse. The coughing got worse, and by early the next morning, I was spitting up blood.

That next morning, my first task was to go feed the rams, which were separated from the rest of the herd. But I couldn’t do it. My body wasn’t even responding to my brain’s commands. Around 8 a.m. my boss came by my trailer to find out what was going on. He came into my trailer, and I couldn’t even get up. But he began to scold me. “Why aren’t you out feeding the rams?”

I told him, “I’m very sick. I need you to take me to the doctor.” Well, once he saw that I was spitting up blood, he agreed to make an appointment to take me to Delano to see the doctor. Then he left and didn’t return again until the afternoon.

When he came to my trailer at 1 p.m., I was very feverish. I felt like my head was going to explode. He got me to the doctor, and they ran some tests and gave me some medication for the fever. We went back to the ranch, and after three days we went back for another doctor’s appointment and they diagnosed me with valley fever. Valley fever is a disease caused by a fungus that infects some of the soil in California’s deserts. It’s possible to breathe in the fungus through dust. It was something I’d caught while working in the pastures.

After the doctor explained what was wrong, I was sent to Bakersfield for more tests and to see a specialist.

I had to pay for everything myself. Western Range didn’t want to take responsibility for my treatment, so all the money that I’d saved up to that point had to be spent on paying for my medicine and doctors.

I was able to call my wife using a phone card and I told her I was sick. It was a terrible blow to my family to hear what was going on. Not only were they worried for me, but being sick, I couldn’t send them any money or save any, and that was the whole reason I was in California in the first place.

My case of valley fever was bad. I went back to live in the trailer, but I wasn’t getting healthy. The doctors recommended I have complete rest to heal, but the bosses wouldn’t give me time off. My boss would say, “You have to feed the animals. These animals don’t have somebody else here to feed them.” Sick as I was, I couldn’t stop working.

So I told Western Range that I wouldn’t leave until I was dead or cured.

On a trip to see the doctor in Bakersfield, I met with an ex-employee of Western Range, a fellow Peruvian named Victor. I told him my story, and he said, “If you want to die, stay at the ranch. If not, you’ll need to get out.” He told me I should talk to a lawyer and try to get worker’s comp to help pay for my treatment.

In early 1999, after six months trying to keep up with my job while sick, I left work and moved to Bakersfield. That’s when I decided to leave the sheep. Because my sickness was clearly work related, I started receiving workers’ comp and established myself in Bakersfield. Workers’ comp paid me 75 percent of my salary from Western Range. And I received treatment at Mercy Hospital for my valley fever.

I wasn’t getting a lot better, though, and by the end of 1999 something strange happened. The fungi had eaten away at my right lung so much that it caused a perforation. I needed more expensive treatments, and that’s when Western Range began talking about flying me back to Peru. They mailed me a plane ticket and told me that they’d found a clinic in Peru to take care of me. They said it would be better if I was with my family. And on top of that, they promised me an extra $2,000.

It sounded like a lot, but I had compatriots from Peru around me in Bakersfield that I could talk to. I found out from some of them that a few other Peruvians had caught valley fever and Western Range had flown them home, but that the company had then immediately cut off contact. I heard about Peruvians who had died because nobody in Peru knew how to treat the disease. None of the doctors there are familiar with valley fever, because the fungus and disease are pretty limited to parts of the United States.

So I told Western Range that I wouldn’t leave until I was dead or cured. I’d arrived in the States in good health, and the work itself was what caused my illness. I returned the ticket for Peru that had been sent to me.

I focused on my treatments, which consisted of taking two Diflucan pills a day. I also had surgery performed on my right lung, because I couldn’t get rid of the encapsulated fungus that was eating it from the inside.

My wife arrived to the United States in 2000 with a humanitarian visa because of my poor state of health. The Peruvian Embassy processed the visa. She came here by herself and left our three kids. My wife was here for only one month. She had to go back because my children couldn’t stay by themselves.

So by around 2001 I was still in the United States by myself again and I was finally starting to get better. I had no papers to stay in the U.S., but I was able to find a job working on a farm that grew produce.

 

It Felt Like a Big Achievement

After I left sheepherding, I began to organize a sheepherders’ union in Bakersfield with Victor Flores. He’s the fellow Peruvian who had helped me in the first place after I’d come to Bakersfield for treatment.

Victor and I would go out at night to meet with the sheepherders in all the different pastures and fields. We collected signatures to see if they were for or against joining a union. We also gathered their stories—we had to show that there was abuse of the sheepherders going on.

The largest meetings we ever had for the union was of maybe three or four sheepherders. There weren’t ever any larger ones because individual sheepherders were so isolated by their work. Between individual sheepherders there are sometimes 40 or 50 miles. We’d go individually from one to the other to talk to them. It was difficult to organize, because everyone is so isolated and they don’t have permission from their employers to leave the area. It was a big problem for us, but we struggled and made it work, and we eventually filed the paperwork to form a union.

Then later in 2001, there was a hearing in Sacramento about the conditions faced by herders with guest-worker visas. It was a huge experience for me. After having fought for the benefits and dignity of the least protected workers here in the United States, it felt like a big achievement.

I testified about my own experience to state senators and a special commission. Victor also spoke. He explained how after a dispute with his boss he’d been dropped off at a hotel in Bakersfield with nothing.

We wanted better living conditions for H-2A herders. Better housing, food, and working hours. One of the problems was that we weren’t paid for all the hours we worked, and we were made to do work other than sheepherding without any additional pay. For example, some workers might have come over as sheepherders but then put to work in the fields harvesting crops, driving tractors, even though we weren’t getting paid near what other fieldworkers were getting paid per hour. And we wanted to make it so ranchers couldn’t just move you around wherever they wanted or abandon you whenever they wanted.

During the testimony, the statehouse was filled with ranchers. Western Range had been informed about my union work, and they were there as well. I ran into the Western Range agent who had signed me up for the program in Lima back in 1991. He said to me, “Why are you doing this? I did you all a favor by letting you enter this country.” I said, “That may have been a favor, but what we experienced here was exploitation. A real favor would have been advocating for better conditions for us.”

After having fought for the benefits and dignity of the least protected workers here in the United States, it felt like a big achievement.

That year, the California legislature passed a law protecting us. It required a graduated increase in pay over the next few years, as well as better living conditions such as electricity, toilets, and access to better food and fresh water.* It also allowed for breaks every day, and vacation. It was a big achievement for all the workers. Unfortunately, in the years that followed the law wasn’t enforced much. The Department of Labor didn’t do much to make sure ranchers were following the guidelines.

* In October 2015, the federal Department of Labor announced they were raising the wages of H-2A sheepherders to about $1,500 a month, which will be phased in over three years.

Things have got a little better over the years. The treatment of the workers on the part of the bosses has improved. Now, a sheepherder is allowed to have cell phone, radio or a television in his trailer. They can also go out more and participate in the community, like go to sporting events.

What hasn’t fully improved is the living situation—that’s only improved on a case to case basis. Now there are some trailers with solar panels that have power, so they have air conditioning, for instance. But some trailers are still like they were decades ago.

 

Thank God My Children Understand the Sacrifices I Have Made

Today, I still live in Bakersfield with my wife. I work for the same farm that I worked for after I left the ranch. It’s a good company—they respect the laws protecting their workers. My wife was able to get a tourist visa to come live with me. Eventually I got my papers fixed so I could stay here, and she’s working on it right now. Still, I can’t leave the U.S. and come back.

We also have two of our kids here with us. My first daughter Gisela is here—she’s twenty-seven. I also have a twelve-year-old son named Jiomar. My oldest son and my second daughter are still in Peru. I saw my oldest son two years ago when he came to visit on a tourist visa. My second daughter I haven’t seen in over twenty years. The only time I’ve spent with her was during the ten months I was back in Peru in 1994. I only know her through speaking to her on the phone. I’d love to visit her, but I can’t go to Peru and come back here. But my children in Peru are doing well. My oldest boy is a doctor. My daughter is a nurse, and she’s working on a post-graduate degree. Thank God my children have been able to understand and value the sacrifices that I’ve made.

***

This excerpt has been edited for clarity.

Buy the book: Powell’s | Amazon | Barnes & Noble

***

Chasing the Harvest editor Gabriel Thompson is a journalist based in Oakland and mostly writes about immigration, labor, and organizing.

Longreads editor: Cheri Lucas Rowlands

At War With the Rat Army

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Alice Herdan-Zuckmayer | The Farm in the Green Mountains | New York Review Books | May 2017 | 11 minutes (2,896 words) 

 

Below is an excerpt from Alice Herdan-Zuckmayer’s memoir The Farm in the Green MountainsHaving fled Nazi Germany, the Zuckmayers ended up spending several years of their exile on a farm in Vermont, where they engaged in a war of extermination against an invading army of rats. A bestseller in Germany when it was published in 1949, it was reprinted this month by New York Review Books. This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky.

* * *

I felt suddenly that I was not alone.

It was the third summer.

That was when I saw them for the first time.

It was evening, and I had gone into the shed to mix the feed before dark.

In this shed the buckets in which the feed was kept stood across from the entrance in a long row.

There was laying meal, feed grain, and the mash for fattening the chickens. There were buckets for duck and goose feed, which we mixed ourselves.

Zuck had carried the heavy sacks into the shed for me and left them in front of the empty buckets.

I began to untie the strings of the sacks and to use a measuring scoop to fill the buckets with the prescribed amounts of oats, bran, fattening mash, and corn meal.

The quiet of evening filled the shed. Ducks and geese peeped in their sleep. Lisettchen sat above me on her beam. I called her name, but this evening she only blinked at me and wouldn’t fly down.

The feed rattled into the buckets and smelled like fields at harvest time.

Suddenly I stopped in the middle of my work, because a violent, overwhelming terror seized me, like the fear of the unaccustomed and unknown. I felt suddenly that I was not alone with my animals, that I was being watched closely from some corner.

I stood motionless and waited.

Now I heard a noise—a disembodied, ghostly tripping across the wooden floor. Then I saw something standing on the stairs. It was a large, gray-brown rat.

I still didn’t move and stood face-to-face with the rat, who watched me with quiet menace.

Then I did something stupid. Instead of throwing a metal lid, a shovel, or a knife at it, I clapped my hands like a magician who wants to make something appear or disappear, and the rat escaped, whole and unhurt.

I ran into the house, where Zuck and the children sat around the supper table, waiting for me.

“What took you so long?” they asked me.

“Something terrible has happened,” I said. “We have rats.”

We ate supper about midnight.

We took the dogs out of the kennel and brought them to the shed. They howled and whined and finally found the entrances to the tunnels the rats had dug under the chicken houses and the shed.

Then we went into the shed and the chicken houses and switched on the lights. This woke the birds, who broke out in bright morning crowing, cackling, quacking, and gabbling.

We knelt down among the frightened birds who had jumped down from their sleeping perches to demand food, and we crept into every corner with flashlights to look for rat holes.

In the red chicken house we found one among the nests and nailed it up with strong, fine-meshed hardware cloth. In the shed itself we could do little. There the rats had gnawed away whole boards under the stairways and thresholds that led to the chicken houses.

We nailed up the boards and plugged and screened the holes, but there were too many places they had broken through already to keep them out of the middle shed. The ducks and geese were in no danger when awake, and the rats would not attack the larger chickens, but all of the smaller birds and the young poultry had to be protected from them.

So I climbed up the ladder and took Lisettchen, Josephine, and Napoleon from their sleeping perch and brought them into the safe gray chicken house.

The damage the rats did in the first summer they were at our farm was frightful. Their first attack was like a blitzkrieg. They took thirty-two ducklings, eight chicks, and three newborn geese.

* * *

We were dealing with an uncannily well-organized and functioning rat state.

Our enemies were not mere house rats, but an army of itinerant Norwegian rats. They march across the countryside in formation, and when a farm pleases them they call a halt, besiege and occupy it.

They build their dugouts quickly and secretly under the sheds and houses they intend to plunder. Almost before they have finished their living quarters, they begin to gnaw tunnels into the sheds at night to reach the feed, the eggs, and the young animals.

Some things are eaten on the spot, but most of the booty is taken away through the rat holes into their tunnels. The way they carry out their raids, the removal of the booty, their disappearance and reemergence in unexpected spots all left us no doubt that we were dealing with an uncannily well-organized and functioning rat state.

We were set under siege by them, and our actions during the first days were very much like the hasty digging of trenches.

Because we had to work quickly, and you cannot pour cement floors in haste, we built cages around the mothers and their endangered young, through whose grids not even the smallest and youngest rat could slip. The broodhouses which stood in the meadow were no longer safe from the rats, and we had to build cage after cage, so that our sheds and barns, all divided into cells, soon looked like Sing-Sing prison.

In this battle with the rats, Lisettchen, who had become a mother for the first time, was robbed of her four tiny Bantam chicks. Why the rats had spared the little Bantam hen herself can only be explained by the fact that Lisettchen broke out in such an enraged outcry and beat so wildly with her wings that even the rats must have been frightened off. We had put Lisettchen in a particularly strong wire cell, but the rats had eaten through the double wood floor.

Now, while Zuck and Winnetou plugged the rat hole and spread wire mesh over the entire floor of the cell, I tried to calm Lisettchen, who was lamenting so bitterly that we could hardly stand it. In my despair over her pain, I decided to try a daring experiment. There were still two Bantam mothers with five chicks each. I reached under their wings and took two young from each mother. Then I put the four Bantam chicks in Lisettchen’s nest.

I don’t believe that I could have deceived Lisettchen in this way under normal circumstances, but shock had blurred her ability to discriminate.

When I put her back on the nest, she looked for only a moment at the four new chicks, who were two weeks older than her own stolen chicks. Then she took the four strangers under her wings, still breathing heavily as though she had been roused from a frightening dream.

* * *

We decided to escalate our attack to a war of extermination.

In our farm paper appeared the following item:

“Rats cost American farmers sixty-three million dollars a year. Their population is approximately the same as the human population of the United States. Half of the rats live on farms. The cost of one rat is about two dollars a year. See your nearest USDA office or consult your local Farm Bureau agent about ways to control these pests.”

We estimated the rat population on our farm at fifty to sixty. The consumption allotted to them, at two dollars a year, had been eaten up in the first three months after their arrival.

Therefore we decided to escalate our attack to a war of extermination. Before I describe the phases of this war, I must first establish the fact that we were not afraid of rats.

When I saw the first one in the barn, it was not her appearance that filled me with paralyzing fear, but the realization that she was without doubt only an outpost of an army of rats lurking in the background. I merely experienced the shock of a tower guard who sees the first enemy appear on the horizon.

I could not be frightened or disgusted by the rats because their conscious intelligence and calculated menace made them an equally matched foe. They had neither the unknown, indefinable frightfulness of spiders, scorpions, and snakes, nor the dull repulsion of potato bugs and grubs, vermin that do not know why they do damage. I lived with the rats long enough to have the opportunity to look them in the eye often.

In those rat eyes I found a kind of consciousness, a knowledge of their undertakings and deeds that lifted them out of the level of vermin into that of a proper enemy.

It was once announced in a newspaper article that a scientist had finally found the bones of the orangutan from which we must all be descended. Tied to that discovery was the amazing theory that, after humankind, rats or ants would take over the dominion of the world. If I accepted the idea of this dark utopia for a moment, I’d bet on the rats.

We began the first phase of our war with an open attack which miscarried. For this failure neither the rats nor we were to blame, nor even the method we chose, but a thirteen-year-old boy we had hired to help, but who helped very little.

The method was simple.

You drove your car up to the building, took all the animals out, shut the windows and doors, and plugged the cracks carefully, as though you wanted to commit suicide with gas.

Then you fastened the garden hose to the exhaust of the car, brought it through a hole the size of the hose into the building and in front of a rat hole, turned on the motor, and sent the poisonous, death-bringing exhaust fumes into the rat tunnels and the building.

I was enthusiastic about this modern chemical method, and everything was prepared down to the smallest detail.

But in the last moment before I started the motor, my cautious, mistrustful Zuck made one more last round through the shed, climbed a ladder, and found our hired boy with my pet cat in his arms, buried in the hay, fast asleep with a cigarette butt in his mouth.

So we abandoned our life-threatening gassing method and turned to simple rat poison. Setting rat traps was dangerous to the young animals, and poisons containing arsenic were menacing to all, but a paste had been invented that was supposed to be harmful only to rats.

How and when this paste was to be used required psychological preparation. Now the second phase began, the part that we called the “phony war.”

* * *

Their love of attacking their attackers.

For ten days we put down clean bacon and cheese rinds in the sheds and chicken houses to make the rats feel secure.

It is noteworthy that the rats did not appear in the goat and pig barn. Also they almost never came into the cellar of our house. Because of that they were all the more firmly entrenched where the poultry lived.

I had reached a kind of agreement with the rats. When I entered the middle shed where the feed buckets stood, I clapped my hands. At this signal the rats disappeared into their holes. Once a rat in its haste jumped from the hayloft onto my shoulder, using it as a springboard to the floor.

That was not a pleasant sensation!

On each of the ten evenings when I distributed bacon and cheese, the rats came back out of their nooks and crannies and crouched behind the feed buckets. I acted as though I were preparing tidbits for the poultry, who are known to eat scraps, meat, and fat with relish.

The chicken coops on their stone foundations were relatively safe from the rats. Even there, though, the possibility existed that they would use the flap doors that were planned for the daily entrance and exit of the chickens and hide themselves inside in the evening.

Zuck found just such a stowaway rat in the gray chicken house one evening on his final tour of inspection.

He had a shovel in his hand and forced the rat into a corner with it.

It was a fully grown, large rat. When Zuck prepared to strike, it turned like lightning and jumped to the attack.

Now on the same day Zuck had cleaned out the pigpen, and luckily was still wearing high boots. These protected him from the rat’s sharp, dangerous bite. Zuck succeeded in killing the rat, but we all felt rather ill the entire evening and could not stop telling grisly stories we had heard and read. The talk came around again and again to the almost unconquerable cunning and devilishness of rats, and to their love of attacking their attackers.

We talked about fingers that had been bitten off and festering leg wounds that people battling rats had sustained. We often glanced furtively and with shuddering at the high boots that stood in the corner of the kitchen and showed the marks of the rat’s teeth at knee height.

* * *

One of the oldest rats, one that I thought I knew and considered a member of the highest rat council, was observing our actions closely and spitefully.

On the following day the battle began in earnest.

Zuck and I shut ourselves in the workshop, taking care that no animal could get in, and mixed our poison.

We put on rubber gloves which we had earlier rubbed on the coats of our goats so that no human smell would betray us or show that our fingers were involved in the game. We had brown pans with green paste in them, and we rubbed the paste carefully into the pieces of bacon and the cheese rinds.

The green paste contained a poison that had the effect of making the rats thirsty and driving them to water. After drinking the water in the open, far from their hiding places, they died.

That is, it was a type of poison that discouraged the rotting of the dead rats in their holes and so prevented the pollution of the air and the development of unhealthy germs.

On the evening of the eleventh day we brought the poisoned bacon and cheese bits over to the shed.

I clapped my hands as always, whereupon the scratching and tripping of claws began, as in a haunted house that has been abandoned by men and taken over by rats. Now Zuck checked that all the animals were locked in their Sing-Sing cells.

Then we pulled on our rubber gloves and distributed the poisoned morsels.

While doing this we spoke casually and loudly about ordinary things to give the impression that, in spite of the gloves, we were doing everyday, ordinary things. But I couldn’t get rid of the feeling that one of the oldest rats, one that I thought I knew and considered a member of the highest rat council, was observing our actions closely and spitefully.

The next morning we were in the shed very early.

We had decided not to let a single animal out of the sheds, nor a dog out of the kennel, nor a cat out of the house for the entire day, so that they would not be poisoned by the dead rats.

When we came to the watering troughs for the poultry, which stood filled with water in the meadows, we found twenty dead rats in and around the troughs.

After we recovered from this ugly sight and started to remove the corpses, we noticed something horrible.

We went to the shed, opened the door quietly, and stood there without moving.

In the shed were twenty or thirty large, fully grown rats, who stared at us from all the corners. Only three of them took the trouble to disappear once more behind the feed buckets.

Outside, however, lay the corpses of small, half-grown rats, and there was not a single large, old rat among them.

We now knew that the experienced elders had sent their children ahead of them to see if there was death hidden in the bacon and the cheese rinds.

They had sacrificed the unwary, inexperienced rats, and by doing that had preserved a select group of the most dangerous and experienced ones. We realized that it would take other weapons to beat them than the ones we had available.

But still we built fences, gratings, and cages until our fingers and hands bled from wire-pulling, hammering, and nailing.

The rats could get at our animals less and less, but they gnawed into every feed sack as it arrived, and we had to buy more and more metal bins to protect the feed from their greediness.

* * *

When one o’clock strikes from the church tower and the ghosts fly away and vanish.

Two years after their arrival they suddenly disappeared. Whether it was that we had really fooled them a few times, and a few of their elders had themselves gotten the poisoned corn, or whether it was that we had put up too many fences even an eel couldn’t wriggle through, or whether it was simply that they were seized with wanderlust and went in search of a better farm, we never knew.

They left in the fall.

Their departure happened as secretly and invisibly as their arrival. The holes and passages looked like an abandoned mining operation. We repaired the marks of their gnawing in the wood, and the sickly sweet stench which they had spread disappeared after the big fall cleaning.

The barns and chicken houses belonged once more to the domestic animals and to us, and at night it was as quiet in the shed as it is at the time when one o’clock strikes from the church tower and the ghosts fly away and vanish.

* * *

From The Farm in the Green Mountains by Alice Herdan-Zuckmayer.

Chasing the Harvest: ‘It Used to Be Only Men That Did This Job’

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Gabriel Thompson | Chasing the Harvest: Migrant Workers in California Agriculture | Voice of Witness / Verso Press | May 2017 | 22 minutes (6,254 words)

The stories of the more than 800,000 men, women, and children working in California’s fields—one third of the nation’s agricultural work force—are rarely heard. The new book Chasing the Harvest compiles the oral histories of some of these farmworkers. Longreads is proud to publish this excerpt about Maricruz Ladino, who shared her story with journalist Gabriel Thompson.

***

Maricruz Ladino

Age: 44

Occupation: Produce Truck Driver

Born in: Sonora, Mexico

Interviewed in: Salinas, Monterey County

Agricultural region: Salinas Valley

 

Sexual harassment and violence in agriculture is both widespread and underreported. For years, the everyday threats and assaults faced by female farmworkers was a story that mostly stayed in the fields. In the past decade, however, a number of investigations—made possible by the bravery of women who have come forward—have uncovered a human rights crisis. In 2010, UC Santa Cruz published a study based on interviews with 150 female farmworkers in California. Nearly 40 percent reported that they had experienced sexual harassment, often from their supervisors; this harassment ranged from unwanted verbal advances to rape. Two years later, Human Rights Watch published a report, “Cultivating Fear,” based on interviews with more than fifty farmworkers across the country, which concluded that the persistent harassment and violence faced by women in the fields was “fostered by a severe imbalance of power” between undocumented farmworkers and their supervisors.

Maricruz Ladino knows all about that imbalance of power. “A supervisor can get you fired with the snap of his fingers,” she tells me. And so she stayed quiet, putting up with her supervisor’s daily harassment—and later, violent sexual assault—in order to hang on to her job at a lettuce packing plant in Salinas. Then came the day she gathered the courage to walk into the company’s office and file a complaint. She feared the worst: she could lose her job, or be deported. Both came to pass. But she has never regretted her decision.

We meet at a vegetable cooling plant in early October, where Maricruz welcomes me aboard her truck, which is carrying pallets of iceberg lettuce eventually destined for Honolulu. While she waits for more produce to be loaded, she talks about growing up on the border, her intense drive to always keep moving forward, and why she eventually broke the silence about the abuse she suffered.

 

Also in this series, a former sheepherder describes the loneliness and medical hardship he experienced while tending sheep in California’s Central Valley.

Read the story

I’m the Girl They Found in the Garbage Can

I was born in 1972 in San Luis Río Colorado, Sonora. I’ve been told that when my mom was pregnant, some friends of hers were going to bring her to the United States so that I’d be born here. On the day they were going to pick her up, I was impatient.

My aunt lived next door and my mom yelled out for her. There was a small pile of trash and my mom lay herself down on it so that I wouldn’t hurt myself when I arrived. It was very romantic. My aunt arrived and helped her cut the umbilical cord. That’s why they say I’m the girl they found in the garbage can.

My father was born in Tonalá, Jalisco, near Guadalajara. My mom is from Ixtlán del Río in Nayarit. They met in Ixtlán, got married, and then went to San Luis Río Colorado so my dad could work in the Bracero Program.* He had to be near the border so that he could work. He worked picking cotton on the U.S. side near Yuma and San Luis, Arizona.

* The Bracero Program was an agreement between the United States and Mexico beginning in 1942 to grant guest-worker visas to Mexican agricultural workers.

My parents had six children—five girls and one boy. Each of us is separated by three years in age. I’m number four.

When I was a few months old, my parents made the decision to come to the United States to live in Yuma. It used to be much easier to get a passport or a tourist visa that allowed you to cross the border. We lived in a small adobe house; I close my eyes and I can still remember that poor house. There was only one room, and at the entrance there were a few steps where I would wait for my dad to come back from work. He was picking cotton and carried a sack the color of dirt. I’d run to him and he’d put the sack down and hug me. It was a beautiful thing. Now, I’m aware of the consequences of all the pesticides he was exposed to, but back then I didn’t know any of that.

When I was three or four, my father made the decision for us to return to San Luis Río Colorado. From then on, he’d cross the border back and forth each day for work. You could walk from the house to the border crossing in only ten or fifteen minutes. Every weekend when he received his check, without fail, we’d cross to San Luis, Arizona to buy food.

When I got older, around fourteen or fifteen, we had a neighbor that grew green onions. She needed people to help her clean and package them. My sisters and I asked my dad for permission to help this lady and make some money for the house. He got mad and told us no. He said he worked to provide for us, and if we needed anything we should ask him. But I was at the age where I wanted to help out, and I was curious about the work. I wanted to understand more about the world around me.

Our aunt lived across from that lady with the green onions. We’d get back from school and ask my mom if we could go visit my aunt, but we’d go to the neighbor’s house instead. We’d make up competitions to see who could clean more onions.

Then came the day when my dad got home from work early. As soon as we saw him, we got up, and with our heads hanging low, walked home. Our father yelled at us for making him feel like we were lacking something, that he wasn’t providing enough for us. But for us, working wasn’t about anything we lacked. We wanted to help him so that we could all have more, but he never saw it that way. Now, I see how we made him feel.

 

We Had to Study to Be Somebody

My parents would always take us to school and pick us up. They didn’t want us to be on our own. My dad wanted us to study and do better than he’d done. We had to study to be somebody. I liked school a lot, but I saw that keeping me in school was becoming more expensive for my parents. As I got older and high school came around, they had to buy me a uniform and books. My parents never said no—they would buy us everything—but I saw the difficulties they were having.

I graduated from high school when I was seventeen and entered the university, where I began to study to become a lab chemist. But I didn’t finish because I started dating a man from San Luis Río Colorado. We came to California when I was seventeen, in 1989, and got married the same year.

We moved to Five Points, a small ranch in the middle of the fields near Huron. An aunt of mine rented us a small room. Within a short time I became pregnant. My first daughter, Stephany, was born prematurely in November 1990 when I was a week short of seven months. She weighed one and a half pounds and was in the hospital for a month and a half.

Around the time my daughter was born, my husband and I began to have problems as a couple and we decided to separate. I think he went back to Mexico.

 

It Used to Be Only Men That Did This Job

After we separated, I cleaned houses to support my daughter and myself. When I was twenty-one, I began to work in the lettuce fields of Huron. I was beginning a new phase in my life. When I first started, I wasn’t cutting or packing lettuce. I was up on the lettuce machine that goes slowly through the field, making sure it went straight along the rows, because Cal/OSHA required that.* I sat and watched the steering wheel, and sometimes made small turns, while behind me the rest of the people worked. I found my job boring. I wanted to learn what the others were doing. I was told to stay where I was, because working in the field was much harder. The supervisor said, “You won’t know what to do and then you’ll want to run away.” But I was curious. And with the help of others, I began to learn how to pack.

* Cal/OSHA is the agency that enforces workplace safety regulations in California.

With lettuce, there’s a person that moves along cutting the heads. It used to be only men that did this job, but there are now women as well. The person moves down the row, cuts the lettuce, bags it, and puts it on a table that is located to one side. Then the packers twist that bagged lettuce until a ribbon forms at the top, then tape the ribbon so that the lettuce is wrapped nicely and box it so the package looks presentable.

Those first days were difficult. It was such a painful experience—my hands went through a lot of lettuce! A lady told me, “Don’t worry, it’ll last a week. When the swelling goes down and your bones stop aching, it’ll almost be over.” I was in such pain I couldn’t even hold onto the lettuce. Yet she was right, I only needed one week. They wrapped my hands up with bandanas to give them some support. Some co-workers offered pills to help deal with the pain but I didn’t take any. How else was I going to learn how to deal with the work than by just getting through it?

 

On August 27, 1997, He Tried to Kill Me

My two oldest sisters lived in Downey, California. I moved in with them in 1992, and that’s where I met my new husband. He was a truck driver and traveled through the Los Angeles area. That same year, in 1992, I moved to Coalinga to live with him. But we weren’t able to make a life together. We began to have serious problems. Serious in the sense that I have scars.

I had another two daughters with my second husband. Karla was born in 1992 and Sandra in 1994. In 1996 we moved to a remote ranch in Kerman, and the situation got worse. Then we moved back to Coalinga, where supposedly everything was going to be different, but it never was.

On August 27, 1997, he tried to kill me.

I went to help my husband drop off cargo in Hanford, California. When we arrived, I began to unload big barrels of oil. An older man helped me unload—he said to me that he’d help my husband so that I wouldn’t get hurt. My husband took offense to this. He told me, “Go back to the truck! Can’t you hear me?” I knew he was upset and that it would go badly for me.

After they finished, he got back into the truck and began to hit me. He asked where I knew that man from before. He said that he’d been so friendly to me because I was dating him. But I didn’t know him; he was simply a kind man that didn’t want me to get hurt.

To get to Coalinga, you pass through a range of little mountains. On our way back he continued to hit me. I screamed that I couldn’t stand it any longer and told him to let me out. He stopped and told me to get out of the car. As he stopped, I opened the door, but he pulled me in and hit the gas hard. He started slowing down again and said, “All right, get out. I don’t want you here if you want to get out.” But he wouldn’t stop.

I can’t remember anything else. I saw black. Everything was dark.

I awoke in a hospital in Fresno, California. I heard the noises of machines and the voices of my sisters and parents. My parents lived in Mexico at the time, so I don’t know how or when they arrived. I realized that days had gone by. My older sister massaged my head and said, “You’re fine. We’re with you.”

I still didn’t understand what had happened to me. There was a social worker in Coalinga who knew me, my daughters, and my husband. When she found out what had happened she came to see me. She told me, “You have to call somebody, or else nobody will be able to help you. If you don’t take action we can’t do anything.” I was afraid of retribution. I was afraid of what my husband might do to my daughters or me. I kept silent.

I was in a coma for three weeks and in intensive care for weeks after. It was a total of two and a half months that I was in the hospital. The one who never left my side was my dad. My husband was at the hospital for some time, too. I later learned that he’d told the hospital that I’d jumped out of the car. That was a complete lie. I asked the nurses to not let my husband in, but then they’d ask me why, so I had to keep quiet because I didn’t want to say anything else. I never charged him with anything. A few months after I got out of the hospital, I went back to him. I had nowhere else to go.

He tried to beat me again, but this time I didn’t allow it. I defended myself to the point that I ended up in jail for three days for domestic violence. He started trying to hit me and I scratched his face, I ripped his clothes, I did what I could. When the police showed up, I didn’t have any marks on me, because I’d been like a cat.

When I had to go to court to face my charges, my neighbors and manager were there to support me. They explained that I was a good person who had defended herself. The judge told me he’d let me go. I only had to go to anger management classes for six months.

I told myself, This isn’t a life. I left my husband and rented an apartment in Coalinga with the help of friends who lent me money. One of those friends was a forewoman at a lettuce company in Huron. That’s when I began to truly work in the fields.

Farmworkers tending rows of lettuce in California. Photo by Malcolm Carlaw. (CC BY 2.0)

 

I Didn’t Want People to See That I’d Been Crying

Huron has a very short lettuce season. After that, though, there are peppers, peaches, many different fruits and vegetables to harvest. I worked all of them.

In 2000, the lettuce company I was working for asked me to go to Yuma. My parents had moved to Coalinga, and that day my dad noticed that I was sad and asked me what was going on. I told my dad about the job offer. “Tomorrow is the last day of work in Huron,” I said. “My job is ending.”

“So?” he asked.

I replied, “What do you mean, ‘So?’ You’re trying to tell me to go to Yuma, but how am I going to do that? What about the girls?” I didn’t even have a car back then.

“They’ll stay with me,” he said. “And you’ll get on a Greyhound and go.” He didn’t have to tell me twice. I wanted so badly to move forward, to help my daughters.

But it was very hard. In Yuma I covered my face with a bandana and wore sunglasses—I didn’t want people to see that I was crying. I was far away from my daughters, far from everything. I had to keep my strength up to keep working and sending them money.

I spent four months in Yuma, returned for one month in Huron, and then seven months in Salinas. While I was gone, my dad took care of my daughters in Coalinga. My mom frowned upon the idea of me traveling far for work. I think my dad understood my situation better because he was reminded of his having to leave to feed us. I’m guessing that my parents fought between themselves. One wanted me to leave and the other didn’t, but my dad has always supported me in everything.

 

Desire Is Exactly What I Have

I worked only six or eight months as a lettuce packer. I always wanted to get ahead, to better myself, to earn more money. So one day I asked a supervisor, “What do I need to become a mayordoma?”* He smiled at me and said, “Desire.”

* In the fields, a mayordomo/a is akin to a crew leader.

I thought to myself, Desire? Desire is exactly what I have. They told me that I needed a class B license to drive a bus, so I could transport a crew to the fields. A driving instructor said it sometimes took three or six months to get the license. I did it in fifteen days. That’s how much ambition I had, how much hunger I had. When I got the license, I asked my supervisor if there were any openings to be a mayordoma. In June of 2001, the company called me and said there was going to be a training session for mayordomos in Huron, to work in melons. I’d never worked with melons. I didn’t know anything about a melon except how to eat it. But I thought, Well, I’ve got to go. When I was getting ready to leave for the meeting, the boss’s son called and said it had been canceled, and that he didn’t know when the next training would be.

I said, “No problem, just let me know when there’s going to be another training.” And he said, “No. I’m not interested in giving you work. You’re the person interested in working.” At first I was offended. But eventually I realized he was right. So I kept asking when the next training would be: asking, asking, asking. The day of a new training came, and I showed up, really nervous but trying not to show it. I asked myself, How am I going to do this? How can I direct people if I don’t know the work? But I was making $300 or $350 a week as a regular worker, and a mayordoma makes $600 a week. So I didn’t want to miss that opportunity.

Little by little, I learned—from the workers themselves. I was sincere. I told them, “You know what, this is my first time. I’m going to need to learn from you.” And they taught me a lot: how to cut the melon, how to move the equipment, how to use the tractors. They taught me what they knew, despite the fact that I was the mayordoma and that I was supposed to know more than they did.

Lettuce fields in California. Photo by benketaro. (CC BY 2.0)

 

A Supervisor Can Get You Fired with the Snap of His Fingers

Melon has a short season. When it ended, I became a mayordoma with a lettuce crew. I did that for two years, 2001 until 2003, going from Salinas to Yuma to Huron.

At first I felt very comfortable as a mayordoma. Then one day, a man walked over to me while I was watching my crew. He got next to me, pointed to his crotch, and asked, “Who’s giving it to you? Are you getting it from your boyfriend, your husband? Who’s screwing you?”

I just looked at him and didn’t say anything. He said, “Hey, I’m talking to you. Are you getting any?” And he repeated all the same lewd remarks. I looked at him and asked who he was. He said, “I’m your new supervisor.”

This new supervisor bothered me for a long time. I cried. I felt very uncomfortable, but I couldn’t complain to anybody, because I worried I would lose my job. A supervisor can get you fired with the snap of his fingers.

I felt impotent. It wasn’t just him. Many other men made fun of me. They’d say, “Surely you are a mayordoma because you slept with someone, not because you did anything else to earn your position.” I worked very hard to learn how to do my job, to learn how to take care of everything. And it was because of my hard work that I became a mayordoma, not because I’d slept with somebody.


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The Strong One, Devastated

I worked as a mayordoma until May 9, 2003. On that day I was in Salinas, and wanted to surprise my mother for Mother’s Day. My parents had moved from Coalinga to San Luis, Arizona. While I was driving down to visit them, I was the one who got the surprise: my father had died. That was a very long drive.

I stayed with my daughters and mother in Yuma, trying to help out. It was very sad to come home to my parent’s house in San Luis and not see my father. I couldn’t let others know how I was feeling, because I was the strong one, the one that could withstand everything. The one that wasn’t devastated, so that my mother wouldn’t be devastated.

One day, I saw that my mom was sleeping. I didn’t want to wake her, so I went to the backyard patio to sit outside. I turned the radio on. I don’t really drink, but it was so hot that day, and there was a beer in the fridge. I sat down and opened my beer. A song came on that my father used to like and I started to cry. No one could see me, the strong one, devastated.

Thank god, when the lettuce season began in Yuma, I got a new job, this time as a supervisor. This was in the fall of 2003. By this time I knew how to do the work, how to direct crews, how to help more mayordomos. And so I began—not as a mayordoma, but as a supervisor. I was helping out the mayordomos, telling them how many boxes of lettuce we needed, checking the quality of the lettuce.

When I left, my daughters stayed with my mother in Yuma. During the summer vacation, I brought them with me to Salinas. And then when it was time to go back to Yuma, I brought them back. I did that for two years, until a co-worker told me about a position at another company.

 

In 2005, Maricruz began a new job at a lettuce packing plant in Salinas. Though the job helped her support her three daughters, she experienced constant sexual harassment from her boss, who pressured her to sleep with him. Then after a few months on the job, Maricruz’s boss asked her to help him transport some boxes, and when they were alone he raped her. Maricruz feared retaliation, and so didn’t report the rape immediately. However, after seven months and additional harassment, she filed a complaint against her boss with management.

 

An incident happened. It was . . . very unpleasant. I will try to explain what happened a little bit. It’s something very delicate, very painful. It’s not easy to talk about. All this time, the supervisor was telling me, “It’s because of me that you have your position. If I want, I can fire you. Remember that you have three daughters, that you’re the head of the family. If you don’t do what I want, you’re going to lose everything.”

We could say that it was sexual harassment, but in reality, it was more than that. It was rape.

When I had that problem with the supervisor when I was a mayordoma, although I felt alone, there were people around. When this incident occurred, I was alone with this one person. At the moment, I didn’t know what to do, how to act. I was in shock. I couldn’t even talk. I simply didn’t know how to react. It’s like I was paralyzed.

I fell into a depression. I didn’t know what to do. I kept working at the company for seven more months. I had two families that were depending on me: my three daughters in Salinas and my mother in Yuma. I was seeing someone at the time, but I never told my partner about what had happened to me, because I was afraid of his reaction, and because I was ashamed. As time passed, I kept thinking about what had been done to me. If I didn’t speak up, the same sort of thing could happen to my daughters.

At the end of September, I asked to speak to the owner’s right hand man. I didn’t know English, so the company had someone translate. In the meeting, they told me, “Don’t worry, everything will be kept confidential.” I made the complaint at 10 or 11 in the morning. By noon, all of the other employees were asking me, “Is it true that you complained? You really filed a complaint against this person?”

Imagine how I felt. It was supposed to be confidential. Everyone was watching me, whispering about me. At work the next day, they called me into a conference room, with lawyers and a translator. They asked me many questions, in different ways, waiting for me to say something that wasn’t true, waiting for me to contradict myself. I couldn’t tell them all of the details—exactly what happened at what time, how he did this or that—because I was ashamed. But it was easy to understand what had happened to me.

In October, some of the employees move to Huron for a month. I was going to stay in Salinas, but then the company told me to go to Huron. I worked there for one day, and then the bosses in Huron told me, “You know what, you need to return, because we forgot your check.” They told me I needed to work Friday in Salinas, and I could collect my check when I was there.

I showed up for work at 8 a.m., as always. By then, they’d changed the position of the person who I’d complained about. The new supervisor said, “You need to turn your work equipment in. You’re fired. We don’t have work for you anymore.” Can you imagine? I supposedly had come back to work, but instead they wanted to fire me. I waited a week for my check. They never gave it to me.

In agricultural circles, everyone knows each other. I tried to look for work at other companies. And people would say, “Ah, I heard all these things about you. Are they true?” Sometimes they shut the door on my face. One company hired me, but at the moment that I went to show them proof of my license, someone mentioned the name of the person with whom I’d had a problem. I felt like they were saying, “We know who you are. We know what happened.” I felt humiliated and left.

The company I’d worked for still wouldn’t hand over my last check. Someone gave me the phone number of a lawyer, and he gave me the number of an office that I didn’t know existed. It was for California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA). I called and made an appointment to see if they could help me collect the money that was owed to me.

I was ashamed to talk about what had happened. I hadn’t gone there to talk about sexual harassment or anything like that. But one of the questions the man asked me was, “Why and how did they fire you?” And I told him, because I had filed a complaint. He said, “Complaint about what?” Little by little, it all came out—that there was a problem more serious than my unjust firing. But I had to talk a little bit more about the case, and it wasn’t easy to do so.

* The US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission enforces federal employment discrimination laws.

That was when CRLA filed a lawsuit. They also filed another one, with the EEOC, against the company.* It was all part of a strategy to make the case stronger. They asked me if I was ready to take this case all the way, and I said yes.

I had so much fear. Not fear about losing work—I had already lost it. I was afraid of what people were going to say about me. What action was the company going to take?

 

By 2 p.m. I Knew They Were Going to Deport Me

Agents from ICE arrived at my apartment at six in the morning.* It was April 27, 2007—a date I’ll never forget. They asked to speak to the owner of my partner’s vehicle. I told them that he wasn’t home. It was true: he was at work.

* ICE stands for Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

They searched through the house and asked for my identification. I still didn’t really understand what was happening, but I showed it to them. They said, “OK, you’re not the person we’re looking for, but you have to come along with us.” They wanted to verify with my fingerprints. I told them that I needed to call someone to stay with my daughters. They hoped that the person I called would be my partner. But the person I called was a co-worker at the same company where I had made a complaint. This co-worker had always supported me in everything. He arrived at the house immediately. That’s when ICE told me that they had a complaint that my partner was undocumented.

My partner had worked at the same company as me and they had reported him to immigration. I don’t want to say how I found this out, but I did. They weren’t sure of my immigration status, but if I didn’t have papers and I got sent back to Mexico, it would take care of their problems with the lawsuit.

I went with ICE in their car. The only thing that they were going to do was bring me to San Jose to verify that I was who I said I was, and that I didn’t have a deportation order. From the back seat, I called my partner, and told him that for absolutely no reason should he go to the house. He asked why, and I told him. I told him who was watching the girls. I called Jesus Lopez at CRLA and told him what had happened. Since I was in the back seat, I don’t think they could hear me, and in case they had hidden microphones in the car, I tried to talk in a low voice.

While I was making these quick calls, ICE was doing raids. I’ll never forget one of them. There was a man with his kids; I think he was bringing them to school. They parked one car in front of his car and two on the side. They parked the car that I was in behind his car, to surround him. The kids started to cry. It was awful to see.

From Salinas they took us all to San Jose. By 2 p.m. I knew that they were going to deport me. They found out that I had had problems with domestic violence against my ex-husband. I’d broken the laws of the United States, so I wasn’t a good person: I wasn’t a person that would help the country. They supposedly wanted to get rid of bad people, people who could do harm. And I didn’t have my papers, so there was absolutely nothing I could do to stop them.

They didn’t put handcuffs on me until we got in the van that left San Jose for the airport in Oakland. They put restraints around my legs, too. On the plane, they read us the legal rights that we supposedly had. From Oakland we flew to Bakersfield, and from Bakersfield to Los Angeles, and from Los Angeles to San Diego. At each stop more people were brought on board for deportation. By the end, more than 100 people were on the plane.

They let me go in Tijuana at four in the morning. The first thing I did was call my partner and tell him not to worry. He still thought I was in San Jose. It was a sad time, but at the same time I felt calm, because they hadn’t gotten him. I felt like I could deal with it, because I knew the border a little bit since I’d grown up here. I caught a bus from Tijuana to San Luis Río Colorado. Looking out the window, I was thinking, How am I going to get back?

* The U visa, which allows undocumented immigrants to legalize their status, is available to victims of certain crimes who have suffered mental or physical abuse and are helpful to law enforcement in the investigation or prosecution of criminal activity.

The first thing my mom said was, “Forget about returning.” My brother said the same thing. But in my mind I was always thinking, I’m going back. I have to figure out how to do it. I stayed a month. For me, it felt like a long time. My family had bouncy houses in Salinas that we rented out for birthday parties to make money, and we sold them so that I had enough to pay a coyote to get back. It took four or five days. I went through the desert in California. It was a bit difficult, but as you can see, it wasn’t impossible. I got back to Los Angeles on a Friday night, and my partner and one of my daughters came to get me. When I returned to Salinas, I got in touch with Jesus Lopez at CRLA, and that’s when they started a new case, along with my complaint. And thanks to them, I got a U visa.*

 

You Could Say That the Experience Has Made Me Braver

In 2010, Maricruz settled her lawsuit against the company under confidential terms, agreeing not to disclose the amount of the settlement or the name of the company. Since then, she has been interviewed by newspaper and radio journalists, and in 2013 was featured in the Frontline documentary “Rape in the Fields,” which aired on PBS.

The dark side, the horrible side, of working in the fields is the abuse. To be afraid of the person who has power, the person who insults us, who threatens us, who can fire us whenever they want.

I want to share what happened to me to help find a solution, to prevent this from happening again. The pain can’t be erased, but it can be used to help more people.

You could say that the experience has made me braver.

I can’t say that I’m happy. I try to be happy. I try to have a normal life as a woman, as a human being. But all of this has caused problems, with my partner and with my daughters. But it doesn’t matter. These things happened—they’re in the past. I have to live now.

Today, I work as a truck driver. It’s something I like, something that I dreamed of doing as a little kid, because my dad was a taxi driver. I wanted to be like him. It’s still agriculture work, but it’s a different stage. We bring the products from the field to cool them, and then we bring them to the stores, or to other trucks that will take them to planes, where they will be flown even further away. Some of the lettuce goes to Tokyo, Canada, New York, San Diego.

I work Monday to Saturday. I start at 7 a.m. On a short day, I work thirteen hours. On the longest days, I work twenty hours, sometimes up to twenty-three hours, when I take lettuce deliveries to San Francisco. On Sunday, I can’t say I rest, because my daughters are waiting to hang out with me. They complain because of how little I see them.

Today, my oldest daughter, Stephany, lives in Yuma, where she owns a second-hand children’s clothing store. She’s married with three kids. Her youngest son just turned three. Karla and Sandra live here in Salinas. Karla is pregnant and will have her second child in a week or two. She graduated in May from Hartnell College with a major in sociology and will transfer to a four-year school next fall. Sandra works as an administrator at a lettuce cooler and is at Hartnell, too, studying business and technology. I feel very proud of my daughters, and what they’ve achieved. And I think they are proud of me.

My partner is now my husband. He didn’t know about the rape until the moment it appeared in the news. That was when I had to find the bravery to explain everything to him. It was very difficult, because at the beginning he was very angry and disappointed, but I think that in the end he understood. He has helped and supported me in every way.

I got my green card three weeks ago. The U visa gives you permission to live and work in the United States, but you have to stay here—you can’t leave. With a green card I can leave. The first thing I did with my green card was to buy a plane ticket. Being Mexican to the core, I promised that when I got a green card I would immediately go see the Basilica of Our Lady of Zapopan in Guadalajara. I gave my work a week’s notice before I left. The truth is that I didn’t care if they gave me permission or not: I was going to go. Thank god I didn’t lose my job! I flew with my mom from Mexicali to Guadalajara. From there we went to the Basilica to see the Virgin. I cried until I couldn’t cry anymore, giving thanks that I was finally free.

***

This excerpt has been edited for length and clarity.

Buy the book: Powell’s | Amazon | Barnes & Noble

***

Chasing the Harvest editor Gabriel Thompson is a journalist based in Oakland and mostly writes about immigration, labor, and organizing.

Longreads editor: Cheri Lucas Rowlands

A Sociology of the Smartphone

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Adam Greenfield | Radical Technologies: The Design of Everyday Life | Verso | June 2017 | 27 minutes (7,433 words) 

 

Below is an excerpt from Radical Technologies, by Adam Greenfield. This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky.

* * *

They are the last thing we look at before sleep each night, and the first thing we reach for upon waking.

The smartphone is the signature artifact of our age. Less than a decade old, this protean object has become the universal, all-but-indispensable mediator of everyday life. Very few manufactured objects have ever been as ubiquitous as these glowing slabs of polycarbonate.

For many of us, they are the last thing we look at before sleep each night, and the first thing we reach for upon waking. We use them to meet people, to communicate, to entertain ourselves, and to find our way around. We buy and sell things with them. We rely on them to document the places we go, the things we do and the company we keep; we count on them to fill the dead spaces, the still moments and silences that used to occupy so much of our lives.

They have altered the texture of everyday life just about everywhere, digesting many longstanding spaces and rituals in their entirety, and transforming others beyond recognition. At this juncture in history, it simply isn’t possible to understand the ways in which we know and use the world around us without having some sense for the way the smartphone works, and the various infrastructures it depends on.

For all its ubiquity, though, the smartphone is not a simple thing. We use it so often that we don’t see it clearly; it appeared in our lives so suddenly and totally that the scale and force of the changes it has occasioned have largely receded from conscious awareness. In order to truly take the measure of these changes, we need to take a step or two back, to the very last historical moment in which we negotiated the world without smartphone in hand.

There are few better guides to the pre-smartphone everyday than a well-documented body of ethnographic research carried out circa 2005, by researchers working for Keio University and Intel Corporation’s People and Practices group. Undertaken in London, Tokyo and Los Angeles, the study aimed to identify broad patterns in the things people carried in their wallets, pockets and purses on a daily basis. It found a striking degree of consistency in what Londoners, Angelenos and Tokyoites thought of as being necessary to the successful negotiation of the day’s challenges:

Pictures, firstly, and similar mementoes of family, friends and loved ones. Icons, charms and other totems of religious or spiritual significance. Snacks. Personal hygiene items, breath mints, chewing gum—things, in other words, that we might use to manage the bodily dimensions of the presentation of self. Things we used to gain access of one sort or another: keys, identity cards, farecards and transit passes. Generally, a mobile phone, which at the time the research was conducted was just that, something used for voice communication and perhaps text messaging. And invariably, money in one or more of its various forms.

If the Intel/Keio study found in the stuff of wallets and handbags nothing less than circa-2005 in microcosm, its detailed accounting provides us with a useful and even a poignant way of assessing just how much has changed in the intervening years. We find that a great many of the things city dwellers once relied upon to manage everyday life as recently as ten years ago have by now been subsumed by a single object, the mobile phone. This single platform swallowed most all the other things people once had floating around in their pockets and purses, and in so doing it became something else entirely.

Once each of the unremarkable acts we undertake in the course of the day—opening the front door, buying the groceries, hopping onto the bus—has been reconceived as a digital transaction, it tends to dematerialize. The separate, dedicated chunks of matter we needed to use in order to accomplish these ends, the house keys and banknotes and bus tokens, are replaced by an invisible modulation of radio waves. And as the infrastructure that receives those waves and translates them into action is built into the ordinary objects and surfaces all around us, the entire interaction tends to disappear from sight, and consequently from thought.

Intangible though this infrastructure may be, we still need some way of communicating with it. The 2005-era mobile phone was perfect in this role: a powered platform the right shape and size to accommodate the various antennae necessary to wireless communication, it was quite literally ready-to-hand, and best of all, by this time most people living in the major cities of the world already happened to be carrying one, And so this one device began to stand in for a very large number of the material objects we previously used to mediate everyday urban life.

Most obviously, the smartphone replaced conventional telephones, leading to the widespread disappearance from streetscapes everywhere of that icon of midcentury urbanity, the telephone booth, and all the etiquettes of negotiated waiting and deconfliction that attended it. Where phone booths remain, they now act mostly as a platform for other kinds of services—WiFi connectivity, or ads for sex workers.

In short order, the smartphone supplanted the boombox, the Walkman and the transistor radio: all the portable means we used to access news and entertainment, and maybe claim a little bubble of space for ourselves in doing so. Except as ornamentation and status display, the conventional watch, too, is well on its way to extinction, as are clocks, calendars and datebooks. Tickets, farecards, boarding passes, and all the other tokens of access are similarly on the way out, as are the keys, badges and other physical means we use to gain entry to restricted spaces.

The things we used to fix cherished memory—the dogeared, well-worried-over Kodachromes of lovers, children, schoolmates and pets that once populated the world’s plastic wallet inserts—were for the most part digitized at some point along the way, and long ago migrated to the lockscreens of our phones.

Most of the artifacts we once used to convey identity are not long for this world, including among other things name cards, calling cards and business cards. Though more formal identity-authentication documents, notably driver’s licenses and passports, are among the few personal effects to have successfully resisted assimilation to the smartphone, it remains to be seen how much longer this is the case.

What else disappears from the world? Address books, Rolodexes and “little black books.” The directories, maps and guidebooks of all sorts that we used to navigate the city. Loyalty and other stored-value cards. And finally money, and everything it affords its bearer in freedom of behavior and of movement. All of these have already been transfigured into a dance of ones and zeroes, or are well on their way to such a fate. Of all the discrete artifacts identified by the Intel/Keio studies, after a single decade little more remains in our pockets and purses than the snacks, the breath mints and the lip-balm.

* * *

It isn’t particularly helpful to ask whether this new everyday life is ‘better’ or ‘worse.’

Time flows through the world at different rates, of course, and there are many places where the old ways yet reign. We ourselves are no different: some of us prefer the certainty of transacting with the world via discrete, dedicated objects, just as some still prefer to deal with a human teller at the bank. But as the smartphone has come to stand between us and an ever greater swath of the things we do in everyday life, the global trend toward dematerialization is unmistakable. As a result, it’s already difficult to contemplate objects like a phone booth, a Filofax or a Palm Pilot without experiencing a shock of either reminiscence or perplexity, depending on the degree of our past acquaintance.

However clumsy they may seem to us now, what’s important about such mediating artifacts is that each one implied an entire way of life—a densely interconnected ecosystem of commerce, practice and experience. And as we’ve overwritten those ecosystems with new and far less tangible webs of connection based on the smartphone, the texture of daily experience has been transformed. The absorption of so many of the technics of everyday life into this single device deprives us of a wide variety of recognizably, even distinctively urban sites, gestures and practices. Stepping into the street to raise a hand for a cab, or gathering in front of an appliance-shop window to watch election results or a championship game tumble across the clustered screens. Stopping at a newsstand for the afternoon edition, or ducking into a florist shop or a police booth to ask directions. Meeting people at the clock at Grand Central, or the Ginza branch of the Wako department store, or in the lobby of the St. Francis Hotel. What need is there for any of these metropolitan rituals now?

It isn’t particularly helpful to ask whether this new everyday life is “better” or “worse”; I very much doubt we’d have permitted the smartphone to supplant so many other objects and rituals in our lives if we didn’t, on balance, perceive some concrete advantage in doing so. But there are a few circumstances that arise as a result of this choice that we might want to take careful note of.

Firstly, the most basic tasks we undertake in life now involve the participation of a fundamentally different set of actors than they did even ten years ago. Beyond the gargantuan enterprises that manufacture our devices, and the startups that develop most of the apps we use, we’ve invited technical standards bodies, national- and supranational-level regulators, and shadowy hackers into the innermost precincts of our lives. As a result, our ability to perform the everyday competently is now contingent on the widest range of obscure factors—things we’d simply never needed to worry about before, from the properties of the electromagnetic spectrum and our moment-to-moment ability to connect to the network to the stability of the software we’re using and the current state of corporate alignments.

Secondly, all of the conventions and arrangements that constitute our sense of the everyday now no longer evolve at any speed we’d generally associate with social mores, but at the far faster rate of digital innovation. We’re forced to accommodate some degree of change in the way we do things every time the newest version of a device, operating system or application is released.

And thirdly, and perhaps most curiously of all, when pursuits as varied as taking a photograph, listening to music and seeking a romantic partner all start with launching an app on the same device, and all of them draw on the same, relatively limited repertoire of habits and mindsets, a certain similarity inevitably comes to color each of them. We twitch through the available options, never fully settling on or for any one of them.

France_in_XXI_Century._Correspondance_cinema

“Visions of The Year 2000,” 1910. Via Wikimedia Commons.

This is our life now: strongly shaped by the detailed design of the smartphone handset; by its precise manifest of sensors, actuators, processors and antennae; by the protocols that govern its connection to the various networks around us; by the user interface conventions that guide our interaction with its applications and services; and by the strategies and business models adopted by the enterprises that produce them.

These decisions can never determine our actions outright, of course, but they do significantly condition our approach to the world, in all sorts of subtle but pervasive ways. (Try to imagine modern dating without the swipe left, or the presentation of self without the selfie.) Fleshing out our understanding of the contemporary human condition therefore requires that we undertake a forensic analysis of the smartphone and its origins, and a detailed consideration of its parts.

* * *

All it asks of us is that we learn and perform a few basic gestures.

Though its precise dimensions may vary with fashion, a smartphone is fundamentally a sandwich of aluminosilicate glass, polycarbonate and aluminum sized to sit comfortably in the adult hand, and to be operated, if need be, with the thumb only. This requirement constrains the device to a fairly narrow range of shapes and sizes; almost every smartphone on the market at present is a blunt slab, a chamfered or rounded rectangle between eleven and fourteen centimeters tall, and some six to seven wide. These compact dimensions permit the device to live comfortably on or close to the body, which means it will only rarely be misplaced or forgotten, and this in turn is key to its ability to function as a proxy for personal identity, presence and location.

The contemporary smartphone bears very few, if any, dedicated (“hard”) controls: generally a power button, controls for audio volume, perhaps a switch with which to silence the device entirely, and a “home” button that closes running applications and returns the user to the top level of the navigational hierarchy. On many models, a fingerprint sensor integrated into the home button secures the device against unauthorized access.

Almost all other interaction is accomplished via the device’s defining and most prominent feature: a shatter-resistant glass touchscreen of increasingly high resolution, covering the near entirety of its surface. It is this screen, more than any other component, that is responsible for the smartphone’s universal appeal. Using a contemporary touchscreen device is almost absurdly easy. All it asks of us is that we learn and perform a few basic gestures: the familiar tap, swipe, drag, pinch and spread. This interaction vocabulary requires so little effort to master that despite some tweaks, refinements and manufacturer-specific quirks, virtually every element of the contemporary smartphone interface paradigm derives from the first model that featured it, the original Apple iPhone of summer 2007.

Beneath the screen, nestled within a snug enclosure, are the components that permit the smartphone to receive, transmit, process and store information. Chief among these are a multicore central processing unit; a few gigabits of nonvolatile storage (and how soon that “giga-” will sound quaint); and one or more ancillary chips dedicated to specialized functions. Among the latter are the baseband processor, which manages communication via the phone’s multiple antennae; light and proximity sensors; perhaps a graphics processing unit; and, of increasing importance, a dedicated machine-learning coprocessor, to aid in tasks like speech recognition. The choice of a given chipset will determine what operating system the handset can run; how fast it can process input and render output; how many pictures, songs and videos it can store on board; and, in proportion to these capabilities, how much it will cost at retail.

Thanks to its Assisted GPS chip—and, of course, the quartertrillion-dollar constellation of GPS satellites in their orbits twenty million meters above the Earth—the smartphone knows where it is at all times. This machinic sense of place is further refined by the operation of a magnetometer and a three-axis microelectromechanical accelerometer: a compass and gyroscope that together allow the device to register the bearer’s location, orientation and inclination to a very high degree of precision. These sensors register whether the phone is being held vertically or oriented along some other plane, and almost incidentally allow it to accept more coarsely grained gestural input than that mediated by the touchscreen, i.e. gestures made with the whole device, such as turning it upside down to silence it, or shaking it to close applications and return the user to the home screen.

A microphone affords voice communication, audio recording and the ability to receive spoken commands, while one or more speakers furnish audible output. A small motor allows the phone to produce vibrating alerts when set in silent mode; it may, as well, be able to provide so-called “haptics,” or brief and delicately calibrated buzzes that simulate the sensation of pressing a physical button.

Even cheap phones now come with both front and rear cameras. The one facing outward is equipped with an LED flash, and is generally capable of capturing both still and full-motion imagery in high resolution; though the size of the aperture limits the optical resolution achievable, current-generation cameras can nonetheless produce images more than sufficient for any purpose short of fine art, scientific inquiry or rigorous archival practice. The user-facing camera generally isn’t as capable, but it’s good enough for video calls, and above all selfies.

Wound around these modules, or molded into the chassis itself, are the radio antennae critical to the smartphone’s basic functionality: separate ones for transmission and reception via cellular and WiFi networks, an additional Bluetooth antenna to accommodate short-range communication and coupling to accessories, and perhaps a near-field communication (NFC) antenna for payments and other ultra-short-range interactions. This last item is what accounts for the smartphone’s increasing ability to mediate everyday urban interactions; it’s what lets you tap your way onto a bus or use the phone to pay for a cup of coffee.

Finally, all of these components are arrayed on a high-density interconnect circuit board, and powered by a rechargeable lithium-ion or lithium-polymer battery capable of sustaining roughly 1,500 charging cycles. This will yield just about four years of use, given the need to charge the phone daily, though experience suggests that few of us will retain a given handset that long.

There is one final quality of the smartphone that is highly significant to its ability to mediate everyday experience: it is incomplete at time of purchase. For all its technical capability, the smartphone as we currently conceive of it remains useless unless activated by a commercial service provider. In the business of mobile telephony, the process by which this otherwise-inactive slab of polycarbonate and circuitry is endowed with functionality is called “provisioning.” A user account is established, generally with some means of payment authenticated, and only once this credential has been accepted do you find that the object in your hands has come alive and is able to transact with the things around it.

Even once provisioned, the smartphone is not particularly useful. It can be used to make voice calls, certainly; it generally comes loaded with a clock, a calendar, weather and map applications, a Web browser, and—rather tellingly—a stock ticker. But the overwhelming balance of its functionality must be downloaded from the network in the form of “apps,” designed and developed by third parties with wildly differing levels of craft, coding ability and aesthetic sensibility.

This immediately confronts the would-be user with a choice to make about which corporate ecosystem they wish to participate in. The overwhelming majority of smartphones in the world run either on Apple’s iOS or on some flavor of the open-source Android operating system, and these are incompatible with one another. Apps designed to work on one kind of device and operating system must be acquired from the corresponding marketplace—Apple’s App Store, Google Play—and cannot be used with any other. In this light, we can see the handset for what it truly is: an aperture onto the interlocking mesh of technical, financial, legal and operational arrangements that constitutes a contemporary device and service ecosystem.

* * *

The damage caused by the processes of extraction fans out across most of a hemisphere, mutilating lives, human communities and natural ecosystems beyond ready numbering.

The smartphone as we know it is a complicated tangle of negotiations, compromises, hacks and forced fits, swaddled in a sleekly minimal envelope a few millimeters thick. It is, by any reckoning, a tremendously impressive technical accomplishment. Given everything it does, and all of the objects it replaces or renders unnecessary, it has to be regarded as a rather astonishing bargain. And given that it is, in principle, able to connect billions of human beings with one another and the species’ entire stock of collective knowledge, it is in some sense even a utopian one.

But behind every handset is another story: that of the labor arrangements, supply chains and flows of capital that we implicate ourselves in from the moment we purchase one, even before switching it on for the first time.

Whether it was designed in studios in Cupertino, Seoul or somewhere else, it is highly probable that the smartphone in your hand was assembled and prepared for shipment and sale at facilities within a few dozen kilometers of Shenzhen city, in the gritty conurbation that has sprawled across the Pearl River Delta since the Chinese government opened the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone for business in August 1980. These factories operate under circumstances that are troubling at best. Hours are long; the work is numbingly repetitive, produces injuries at surreal rates, and often involves exposure to toxic chemicals. Wages are low and suicide rates among the workforce are distressingly high. The low cost of Chinese labor, coupled to workers’ relative lack of ability to contest these conditions, is critical to the industry’s ability to assemble the components called for in each model’s bill of materials, apply a healthy markup and still bring it to market at an acceptable price point. Should Chinese wages begin to approximate Western norms, or local labor win for itself anything in the way of real collective bargaining power, we may be certain that manufacturers will find other, more congenial places to assemble their devices. But for now Shenzhen remains far and away the preeminent global site of smartphone manufacture.

Take a step or two further back in the production process, and the picture gets bleaker still. To function at all, the smartphone—like all electronic devices—requires raw materials that have been wrested from the Earth by ruthlessly extractive industries. The cobalt in its lithium-ion batteries was mined by hand in the Congo, often by children; the tin in the soldered seams that bind it together most likely comes from the Indonesian island of Bangka, where the water table is irreparably fouled, 70 percent of the coral reefs have been destroyed by mine runoff, and on average one miner a week is killed on the job. The damage caused by the processes of extraction fans out across most of a hemisphere, mutilating lives, human communities and natural ecosystems beyond ready numbering. And so the polluted streams, stillborn children and diagnoses of cancer, too, become part of the way in which the smartphone has transformed everyday life, at least for some of us.

Though these facts might give us pause in just about any other context, we don’t appear to be too troubled by them when it comes to the smartphone. The smartphone isn’t like any other product, and in fact ranks among the most rapidly adopted technologies in human history. And so we suppress whatever qualms we may have about the conditions in the mines and factories, the environmental footprint, the energetic cost of the extended supply chain, or the authoritarian governments we ultimately support through our act of purchase. To the degree that we’re even aware of it, we leave this deniable prehistory behind the moment we plunk down our cash and take home our new phone.

And for whatever it may be worth, our desire for the smartphone has yet to reach its saturation point. As prices fall, an ever-higher proportion of the planetary population acquires some sort of device with this basic feature set. It is always dangerous to imagine futures that are anything like linear extrapolations from the present, but if the augurs can be relied upon, we balance on the cusp of an era in which every near- or fully adult person on Earth is instrumented and connected to the global network at all times. Though we’ve barely begun to reckon with what this implies for our psyches, our societies, or our ways of organizing the world, it is no exaggeration to say that this capability—and all the assumptions, habits, relations of power and blindspots bound up in it—is already foundational to the practice of the everyday.

* * *

Cellular base stations, undersea cables, and microwave relays are all invoked in what seem like the simplest and most straightforward tasks.

Part of the difficulty in approaching the smartphone analytically is that there is so very much to say about it. Entire books could be written, for example, about how the constant stream of notifications it serves up slices time into jittery, schizoid intervals, and may well be eroding our ability to focus our attention in the time between them. Or how its camera has turned us all into citizen photojournalists, and in so doing significantly altered the social dynamics surrounding police violence. We might find some purchase, though, by considering a single one of its functions: the ability it grants us to locate ourselves.

Consider that for the entire history of cartography, using a map effectively meant decoding a set of abstract symbols that had been inscribed on a flat surface, and then associating those symbols with the various three-dimensional features of the local environment. The ability to do so, and therefore to successfully determine one’s position, was by no means universally distributed across the population, and this scarcity of knowledge was only compounded by the fact that until relatively recently, maps themselves were rare (and occasionally militarily sensitive) artifacts.

But the maps we see on the screen of a phone cut across all this. Everyone with a smartphone has, by definition, a free, continuously zoomable, self-updating, high-resolution map of every part of the populated surface of the Earth that goes with them wherever they go, and this is in itself an epochal development. These maps include equally high-resolution aerial imagery that can be toggled at will, making them just that much easier for the average user to comprehend and use. Most profoundly of all—and it’s worth pausing to savor this—they are the first maps in human history that follow our movements and tell us where we are on them in real time.

It’s dizzying to contemplate everything involved in that achievement. It fuses globally dispersed infrastructures of vertiginous scale and expense—the original constellation of American NAVSTAR Global Positioning System satellites, and its Russian, European and Chinese equivalents; fleets of camera- and Lidarequipped cars, sent to chart every navigable path on the planet; map servers racked in their thousands, in data centers on three continents; and the wired and wireless network that yokes them all together—to a scatter of minuscule sensors on the handset itself, and all of this is mobilized every time the familiar blue dot appears on the screen. By underwriting maps of the world that for the first time include our real-time position, center on us, and move as we do, two dollars’ worth of GPS circuitry utterly transforms our relationship to place and possibility. Thanks to a magnetometer that costs another dollar or so, they automatically orient themselves to the direction we’re looking in and pivot as we turn, helping us perform the necessary cognitive leap between the abstraction on screen and the real world we see around us. And in a neatly Borgesian maneuver, the touchscreen controller and the onboard RAM let us fold a map that would otherwise span some 30 miles from side to side, if the entire world were rendered at the highest level of detail, into an envelope small and light enough to be gripped in a single hand and carried everywhere.

The maps we see on the screen of a smartphone help us rebalance the terms of our engagement with complex, potentially confounding spatial networks, allowing newcomers and tourists alike to negotiate the megacity with all the canniness and aplomb of a lifelong resident. By furnishing us with imagery of places we’ve never yet been, they can help to banish the fear that prevents so many of us from exploring unfamiliar paths or districts. They are the most generous sort of gift to the professional lover of cities, and still more so to everyone whose livelihood and wellbeing depends on their ability to master the urban terrain. But they also furnish us with a great deal of insight into the networked condition.

Most obviously, in using them to navigate, we become reliant on access to the network to accomplish ordinary goals. In giving ourselves over to a way of knowing the world that relies completely on real-time access, we find ourselves at the mercy of something more contingent, more fallible and far more complicated than any paper map. Consider what happens when someone in motion loses their connection to the network, even briefly: lose connectivity even for the time it takes to move a few meters, and they may well find that they have been reduced to a blue dot traversing a featureless field of grey. At such moments we come face to face with a fact we generally overlook, and may even prefer to ignore: the performance of everyday life as mediated by the smartphone depends on a vast and elaborate infrastructure that is ordinarily invisible to us.

Beyond the satellites, camera cars and servers we’ve already identified, the moment-to-moment flow of our experience rests vitally on the smooth interfunctioning of all the many parts of this infrastructure—an extraordinarily heterogeneous and unstable meshwork, in which cellular base stations, undersea cables, and microwave relays are all invoked in what seem like the simplest and most straightforward tasks we perform with the device. The very first lesson of mapping on the smartphone, then, is that the handset is primarily a tangible way of engaging something much subtler and harder to discern, on which we have suddenly become reliant and over which we have virtually no meaningful control.

We ordinarily don’t experience that absence of control as a loss. Simultaneously intangible and too vast to really wrap our heads around, the infrastructure on which both device and navigation depend remains safely on the other side of the emotional horizon. But the same cannot be said for what it feels like to use the map, where our inability to make sense of what’s beneath our fingertips all too frequently registers as frustration, even humiliation. Here we’re forced to reckon with the fact that the conventions of interaction with the device are obscure or even inexplicable to many. Spend even a few minutes trying to explain basic use of the device to someone picking it up for the first time, and you’ll realize with a start that what manufacturers are generally pleased to describe as “intuitive” is in fact anything but. When we do fail in our attempts to master the device, we are more likely to blame ourselves than the parties who are actually responsible. And while there will no doubt come a point at which everyone alive will have been intimately acquainted with such artifacts and their interface conventions since earliest childhood, that point remains many years in the future. Until that time, many users will continue to experience the technics of everyday life as bewildering, overwhelming, even hostile.

If we are occasionally brought up short by the complexities of interacting with digital maps, though, we can also be badly misled by the very opposite tendency, the smoothness and naturalness with which they present information to us. We tend to assume that our maps are objective accounts of the environment, diagrams that simply describe what is there to be found. In truth, they’re nothing of the sort; our sense of the world is subtly conditioned by information that is presented to us for interested reasons, and yet does not disclose that interest.

Even at its highest level of detail, for example, it’s generally not feasible to label each and every retail store or other public accommodation that may appear on the map. Decisions have to be made about which features to identify by name, and increasingly, those decisions are driven by algorithms that leverage our previous behavior: where we’ve been in the past, the websites we’ve visited, what we’ve searched for, the specific apps we have installed, even who we’ve spoken with. As a result, it may never be entirely clear to us why a particular business has been highlighted on the map we’re being offered. It would be a mistake to think of this algorithmic surfacing as somehow incidental, or lacking in economic consequence: according to Google, four out of every five consumers use the map application to make local searches, half of those who do so wind up visiting a store within twenty-four hours, and one out of every five of these searches results in a “conversion,” or sale.

There are two aspects of this to take note of: the seamless, all-but-unremarked-upon splicing of revenue-generating processes into ordinary behavior, which is a pattern that will crop up time and again in the pages to come, and the fact that by tailoring its depiction of the environment to their behavior, the smartphone presents each individual user with a different map. Both of these qualities are insidious in their own way, but it is the latter that subtly erodes an experience of the world in common. We can no longer even pretend that what we see on the screen is a shared, consistent representation of the same, relatively stable underlying reality. A map that interpellates us in this way ensures, in a strikingly literal sense, that we can only ever occupy and move through our own separate lifeworlds.

This is not the only way in which the smartphone sunders us from one another even as it connects. For in the world as we’ve made it, those who enjoy access to networked services are more capable than those without. Someone who is able to navigate the city in the way the smartphone allows them to will, by and large, enjoy more opportunities of every sort, an easier time availing themselves of the opportunities they are presented with, and more power to determine the terms of their engagement with everything around them than someone not so equipped— and not by a little way, but by a great deal.

This will be felt particularly acutely wherever the situations we confront are predicated on the assumption of universal access. If the designers (or funders) of shared space become convinced that “everyone” has a phone to guide them, we may find that other aids to wayfinding—public maps, directional signage, cues in the arrangement of the physical environment— begin to disappear from the world. Under such circumstances, the personal device is no longer an augmentation but a necessity; under such circumstances, design that prevents people from understanding and making full use of their devices is no longer simply a question of shoddy practice, but of justice.

There’s something of an ethical bind here, because if the smartphone is becoming a de facto necessity, it is at the same time impossible to use the device as intended without, in turn, surrendering data to it and the network beyond. In part, this is simply a function of the way mobile telephony works. Most of us know by now that our phones are constantly tracking our location, and in fact have to do so in order to function on the network at all: the same transaction with a cellular base station or WiFi router that establishes connectivity suffices to generate at least a low-resolution map of our whereabouts. But it is also a function of business model. Your location can be used to refine real-time traffic reports, tailor targeted advertising, or otherwise bolster the map vendor’s commercial imperatives, and this means that high-resolution tracking will invariably be enabled by default.

Unless you explicitly go into your device’s settings menu and disable such tracking, and possibly several other application-specific functions as well, it’s continuously shedding traces of your movement through the world—and the terms and conditions you assented to when you set your phone up for the first time permit those traces to be passed on to third parties. (Here, again, the interface’s inherent opacity crops up as an issue: many people don’t know how to find the controls for these functions, or even that they can be switched off in the first place.) On top of the map you yourself see, then, superimpose another: the map of your peregrinations that is at least in principle available to the manufacturers of your phone, its operating system and mapping application, and any third-party customers they may have for that data.

That map can be combined with other information to build up detailed pictures of your behavior. Algorithms applied to the rate at which you move are used to derive whether you’re on foot or in a vehicle, even what kind of vehicle you’re in, and of course such findings have socioeconomic relevance. More pointedly still, when latitude and longitude are collapsed against a database of “venues,” you’re no longer understood to be occupying an abstract numeric position on the surface of the Earth, but rather Père Lachaise cemetery, or Ridley Road Market, or 30th Street Station. And just like our choice of transportation mode, a list of the venues we frequent is not in any way a neutral set of facts. There are any number of places—an Alcoholics Anonymous meeting, a fetish club, a betting shop or a psychotherapist’s practice—that may give rise to inferences about our behavior that we wouldn’t necessarily want shared across the network. And yet this is precisely what leaches off the phone and into the aether, every time you use the map.

Whenever we locate ourselves in this way, whether we’re quite aware of it or not, we are straightforwardly trading our privacy for convenience. For most of us, most of the time, the functionality on offer is so useful that this is a bargain we’re more than happy to strike, yet it remains distressing that its terms are rarely made explicit.

And however much one may believe that it’s an ethical imperative to ensure that people are aware of what their smartphone is doing, this is by no means a straightforward proposition. It is complicated by the fact that a single point of data can be mobilized by the device in multiple ways. For example, the map is not the smartphone’s only way of representing its user’s location. The suite of sensors required to produce the map—the GPS, the accelerometer, the magnetometer and barometer—can also pass data to other applications and services on the device via a structured conduit called an API, or application programming interface. Through the API, the same data that results in the familiar blue dot being rendered on the map lets us geotag photos and videos, “check in” to venues on social media, and receive weather forecasts or search results tailored for the particular place in which we happen to be standing. Depending on the applications we have running, and the degree of access to location data we’ve granted them, place-specific information can be served to us the moment we traverse a “geofence,” the digitally defined boundaries demarcating some region of the Earth’s surface, and this might mean anything from vital safety alerts, to discount coupons, to new powers in a game.

When we move through the world with a smartphone in hand, then, we generate an enormous amount of data in the course of our ordinary activities, and we do so without noticing or thinking much about it. In turn, that data will be captured and leveraged by any number of parties, including handset and operating system vendors, app developers, cellular service providers, and still others; those parties will be acting in their interests, which may only occasionally intersect our own; and it will be very, very difficult for us to exert any control over any of this.

* * *

We need to understand ourselves as nervous systems that are virtually continuous with the world beyond the walls.

What is true of the map is true of the device it resides on, as it is of the broader category of networked technologies to which both belong: whatever the terms of the bargain we entered into when we embraced it, this bargain now sets the conditions of the normal, the ordinary and the expected. Both we ourselves and the cultures we live in will be coming to terms with what this means for decades to come.

The familiar glowing rectangles of our smartphone screens are by now unavoidable, pretty much everywhere on Earth. They increasingly dominate social space wherever we gather, not even so much an extension of our bodies as a prosthesis grafted directly onto them, a kind of network organ. Wherever you see one, there too is the vast ramified array of the planetary network, siphoning up data, transmuting it into a different form, returning it to be absorbed, acted upon, ignored entirely. Equipped with these devices, we’re both here and somewhere else at the same time, joined to everything at once yet never fully anywhere at all.

The individual networked in this way is no longer the autonomous subject enshrined in liberal theory, not precisely. Our very selfhood is smeared out across a global mesh of nodes and links; all the aspects of our personality we think of as constituting who we are—our tastes, preferences, capabilities, desires—we owe to the fact of our connection with that mesh, and the selves and distant resources to which it binds us.

How could this do anything but engender a new kind of subjectivity? Winston Churchill, in arguing toward the end of the Second World War that the House of Commons ought to be rebuilt in its original form, famously remarked that “we shape our buildings, and afterwards our buildings shape us.” Now we make networks, and they shape us every bit as much as any building ever did, or could.

It’s easy, too easy, to depict the networked subject as being isolated, in contact with others only at the membrane that divides them. But if anything, the overriding quality of our era is porosity. Far from affording any kind of psychic sanctuary, the walls we mortar around ourselves turn out to be as penetrable a barrier as any other. Work invades our personal time, private leaks into public, the intimate is trivially shared, and the concerns of the wider world seep into what ought to be a space for recuperation and recovery. Above all, horror finds us wherever we are.

This is one of the costs of having a network organ, and the full-spectrum awareness it underwrites: a low-grade, persistent sense of the world and its suffering that we carry around at all times, that reaches us via texts and emails and Safety Check notices. The only way to hide from that knowledge is to decouple ourselves from the fabric of connections that gives us everything else we are. And that is something we clearly find hard to do, for practical reasons as much as psychic ones: network connectivity now underwrites the achievement of virtually every other need on the Maslovian pyramid, to the extent that refugees recently arriving from warzones have been known to ask for a smartphone before anything else, food and shelter not excluded.

We need to understand ourselves as nervous systems that are virtually continuous with the world beyond the walls, fused to it through the juncture of our smartphones. And what keeps us twitching at our screens, more even than the satisfaction of any practical need, is the continuously renewed opportunity to bathe in the primal rush of communion.

Whether consciously or otherwise, interaction designers have learned to stimulate and leverage this desire: they know full well that every time someone texts you, “likes” your photo or answers your email, it changes you materially, rewiring neurotransmitter pathways, lighting up the reward circuits of your brain, and enhancing the odds that you’ll trigger the whole cycle over again when the dopamine surge subsides in a few seconds. This clever hack exploits our most primal needs for affirmation, generally from the most venal of motivations. But it can also sensitize us to the truth of our own radical incompleteness, if we let it, teaching us that we are only ever ourselves in connection with others. And as we have never been anything but open and multiple and woven of alterity—from the DNA in our cells, to the microbes in our guts, to the self-replicating modules of language and learned ideology that constitute our very selves—in the end maybe the network we’ve wrought is only a clunky way of literalizing the connections that were always already there and waiting to be discovered.

It remains to be seen what kind of institutions and power relations we will devise as selves fully conscious of our interconnection with one another, though the horizontal turn in recent politics might furnish us with a clue. Whatever form they take, those institutions and relations will bear little resemblance to the ones that now undergird everyday experience, even those that have remained relatively stable for generations. The arrangements through which we allocate resources, transact value, seek to exert form on the material world, share our stories with one another, and organize ourselves into communities and polities will from now on draw upon a fundamentally new set of concepts and practices, and this is a horizon of possibilities that first opened up to us in equipping ourselves with the smartphone.

* * *

From Radical Technologies: The Design of Everyday Life by Adam Greenfield.

A Portrait of the Artist as an Undocumented Immigrant

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J.M. Servín| For Love of the Dollar: A Portrait of the Artist as An Undocumented Immigrant | Unnamed Press | translated by Anthony Seidman | March 2017 | 18 minutes (4,894 words) 

The excerpt below is adapted from For Love of the Dollar, in which Mexican novelist and journalist J.M. Servín recalls the 10 years he spent living and working illegally in the United States (with a brief interlude in Ireland). This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky

* * *

No one would investigate anyone else’s experience because they were all identical.

The average wage for undocumented workers was six dollars an hour. With a Social Security card, even if it was fake, nobody could avoid paying taxes, unless they paid you under the table. I asked questions of other day laborers, who were often hostile or suspicious, as to how they got hired. Almost all of them were recommended by a family member or someone from their hometown. Those with most experience said that after two years of work, things would improve. The trick was to grin and bear it. Bosses liked inexhaustible workers who kept their mouths shut. No one would investigate anyone else’s experience because they were all identical. And for each poor soul who had a tragedy to share, there was someone else with an even more gruesome Calvary. I lived surrounded by tough types, in a religious sense: Jesuit-like, ready for the most absurd sacrifices as long as they could get a pot to piss in.

I worked my ass off just like them and I never complained because they were the first ones to test me. Working alongside them, each task proved to be a lonely and tough affair, until I proved my mettle and that I wasn’t going to desert my job. They were bent on destroying anyone who threatened their jobs with scheming and other tricks.

Parrot had given me my fake papers, but with my birthdate making me seven years younger. The signatures on the work permit and Social Security card looked as if they had been scrawled by a second grader. All in all, though, the papers seemed passable.

That same Tuesday night, the chef stopped serving a couple of hours earlier than usual; it was around two in the morning on a rather slow shift. I had finished washing a battery of enormous aluminum pots and had hooked them above the stoves. It was the least they expected of me. Nobody complained, but everyone else seemed to work harder. They were oiled up with pride itself. All the while I worked there I barely had the opportunity to size up the dimensions of the kitchen. We were able to move about with ease, but nobody stepped over the boundaries of his workstation. Each to his own, ignoring what was going on elsewhere. Waiters and busboys came down for their orders, and they shouted some praise at us if only to hurry us on, as their tips were at risk.

I remembered when I worked as a butcher at an expensive restaurant in Mexico City, how the waiters would toss us a few bones gathered from their tips. Here, hell no. We should be grateful that they even spoke to us. There was a red-haired waiter of Greek origin who would rush down the stairs each night, get down on one knee, throw us kisses, extending his arms, as if he were on the Broadway stage, all while shouting: “Thank you!” He would respond to our catcalls by inviting us to go out with him. He was always in a good mood, and he called all of us Pepes. One of the cooks gave him the nickname Puputo. It was the only word in Spanish that he understood.

Upon finishing my job, I went to the changing area. The Puerto Rican was there asking if anyone wanted to wash the shelves in the refrigerator the size of a guestroom on the rooftop, in order to place the meat, vegetables, and rest of the food that they had used during the day. Afterward, the volunteer would have to gather all the work uniforms, separate them, and then bring them up to the truck for linen service. The guy in charge of this hadn’t shown up. He started his shift when Parrot did. No one answered. They continued to quickly change, ready to get home. I raised my hand, and without glancing around to see if anyone else would do it, I received the extra pay, and I went to the restaurant to get to work.

I had to go up the stairs. The kitchen was in the basement of a twenty-three-story building. I finished almost three hours later, drugged from exhaustion.

* * *

That neutral look tattooed on my face.

I went outside, walking slowly, my eyes looking like hemorrhoids because of the exposure to extreme heat and cold, and I ran into some of the cooks and kitchen help; they were drinking some beer outside a store before taking the subway. I had the impression they were waiting for me. One of the cooks invited me to take a beer that Arnulfo had bought from the store. Arnulfo: the guy as compact as a propane tank who couldn’t explain how to prep the salads and desserts. He communicated via gestures made with his stumpy hands. “Ya just toss in that thingamajob, and then that one there, and then this thingy here, okay?” He would also provide me with the names of the ingredients, chopping up words, and he would wrap up his lesson quickly, attempting to be so fast I couldn’t follow him. By my third day at work, I was fed up, and I asked the chef to finally explain things so I could be left alone. “That’s why you got Arnulfo, ask him,” he said to me, annoyed, while he finished. I learned everything else by trial and error, having to put up with the scolding from Poblano.

A twenty-four-ounce can. I started to slurp at it. The rest were making plans to end the night by dancing at a place in Queens. The head cook looked at me.

“How’s the fucking job?”

“I’m getting along.”

“Good. I can see you haven’t been doing this long. In the beginning you want to help and make a good impression. But the problem is you make everyone else look bad. Because everyone else wants their day to end. Once the boss says to turn off the ovens, you got to put things in place and clean quickly so we can scram, just like you saw. If they want to clean the kitchen, let them do it tomorrow. That’s their load. As far as we’re concerned, once it’s three, we’re out of there. Let’s go! Am I right or am I wrong?”

“You’re dead right,” I responded with that neutral look tattooed on my face twenty-four hours a day.

“Just imagine if we left everything, the pots and pans, the uniforms, all in a mess. Nobody would help you. Just imagine when you would finish. You can see that the job’s a tough one and we got to do things quickly. If we’re making more than we need to eat, then we’re doing well.”

I agreed. In my circumstance, any argument was better than one I could come up with. I lit a cigarette, and it’s almost as if I had fainted. I started to see little lights sparkle and a cold sweat gave me goose bumps. The absolute depletion of any energy had me so drugged that I didn’t even pay attention to a black man who was tugging at my jacket sleeve, asking for some change. After insulting me, he walked away in a strange zigzag, bowlegged, looking like he was a pedaling a bicycle.

I finished the beer and the cigarette. I chucked the empty can into the store’s trash bin. Then we silently walked toward the subway. On my way home, I looked at the bright signs and billboards that I had ignored previously.

Most of them lived in Queens, on Roosevelt Avenue, crammed in with Mexicans and Colombians. Once we were on the platform, everyone found a spot. While I waited for the train, one of the cooks in charge of the main stove approached me.

“So what’s up, you’re not coming with us to dance?”

“It’s real late. I’d rather sleep.”

He made a gesture with his index finger and thumb, suggesting that I had smoked some weed. I said I hadn’t. He started to laugh and he told the others, who were looking at us from a few feet away. The train arrived and I wait for them to board and leave. I wanted to gather myself together, and in case I needed help, I didn’t want to ask help from those who tried their best to stay as far away as possible from the police.

The platform was empty. While gazing into the darkness of the tunnel, my anxiety increased. The F line was filled with thick yellow lines. I soon heard voices and footsteps on some metallic surface, but no one was walking down to the platform. At that time of night, the subway was a catacomb and anyone walking around on the platform looked like a prisoner.

I located the signs for the different routes and ways to reach the trains in a type of disturbing dream. My lips were chapped, and my body itched as if with a rash. I was hot, yet exposed to a hellish chill on the platform. I was disconnecting myself from everything except for the route that would bring me to my bed. That’s how I finished my shift each night until I deserted work after two months.

* * *

She would offer me some wine like someone confessing a crime.

I ended up in Greenwich, Connecticut, following a trail blazed by Norma. Her experiences and pigheadedness in a certain way helped reap some rewards for us both. From so much flipping through newspapers, telephone calls, comparing and contrasting, getting ready for interviews where she would always haggle for fewer hours yet higher pay, Norma had reached a point where she could choose what best suited her, and she could even advise others on options. She knew the market for black-market jobs better than anyone else. She knew the habits and mentality of the patrons like any FBI agent.

Norma’s efficiency had earned the attention of people she knew, and she enjoyed showing them, without charging a fee, what they could find just by setting aside their complexes and apprehensions. She recommended me to a family in the Cos Cob area, urged on by a household supervisor who also cooked for the two boys and their father, who was named Gunter. When that individual approved hiring me, I spent most of my time with Patricia, his Irish ex-wife who put on aristocratic airs.

Gunter was the vice president of a bank in New York, and he made frequent trips to Germany, his native country. They paid me $200 per week with a check made out to his oldest son to avoid any suspicions or hassle when cashing the check, as the tellers always asked for an official ID or proof of legal, permanent residence, which of course I didn’t have; moreover, they debated with the supervisor if I should be paid an amount that seemed suspicious for someone who claimed to not be working.

The first time I went to the bank, the manager called Gunter’s office to verify that I was part of an international “exchange program” and that my “sponsor” had asked me to cash his check. The manager agreed to do it as a favor, but not before advising Gunter that the bank found it necessary to know every little detail before forking over the cash.

The most important thing for Gunter was to avoid taxes and especially any immigration agents. His son shouldn’t stir up any suspicion that they had hired undocumented workers. Patricia lived in the exclusive, woody hills of the town, and she visited us on Fridays at noon. No one exactly knew what she did for a living. Gunter would lean back in ironic laughter when addressing the matter with his boys.

“A beautiful neighborhood. A charming home. Good contacts. Shopping on Fifth Avenue. Jesus Christ! How does she do it? What she got from our divorce isn’t enough for all of that!”

For a year, Patricia gave me a weekly bonus in cash, which she stuffed in an envelope that smelled of Chanel perfume. She did this secretly, and I never wanted to know why. Patricia set up strict boundaries when it came to her intimate life, and it was in keeping with her despotic and manipulative character to do so, especially if one of the boys wished to pry more into her daily routine. The most she would ever fess up to, yet in a menacing tone softened by cordial diction she had learned in a prep school for little Irish ladies, was that she worked as the personal assistant to a millionaire. Sure you do. We would sip coffee and eat French-style pastries during the awkward interrogation. Frequently, she would invite us to eat at restaurants in town or at her home.

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Border checkpoint. Via Wikimedia.

Patricia’s fortune exceeded both the incomes and possessions combined of the majority of people I had met until then. Her clothes that she wore on a daily basis would cost half my year’s income. She was a generous hostess who made no distinctions between myself and her sons. She knew that I loved choice filets—besides, it was the only thing her sons would eat without making faces—and she would serve them bathed in gravy, accompanied by a salad and a dressing she had prepared. The desserts and Colombian coffee soon followed. She would offer me some wine like someone confessing a crime which she would pay for by way of life imprisonment.

The sparkle in her eyes reflected a composure always on the brink of spinning out of control. “Smoking in the garden is allowed,” she would say, while she opened the windows and then excused herself to prepare coffee.

* * *

Property should be used to get you out of sticky situations.

Patricia loved it when we would agree to take a splash in the pool during hot summer afternoons. She would prepare lemonade adorned with lemon peels and she would set it on the garden table, on a tray holding crystal glasses with delicate green and blue tonalities, cloth napkins, and fruit.

She once asked me to set up a small fence made from nylon along the rill that went through her property. The objective was to make it so migrant ducks wouldn’t invade her garden and pool.

While I concentrated on doing my best job, I started to feel a suffocating anxiety that I recognized as rage. My mother had grown up in an orphanage in Guadalajara. Her explosive and enraged character owed a lot to a life filled with privations, which was prolonged by having children. She died from an embolism at an age when other women like Patricia start obsessing about getting face-lifts. Fifteen years later, faithful to his own style of doing so, my father died. He worked all of his life without making any true gains from his talent as a jeweler. He was a role model and a teacher to many apprentices who, just like him, immigrated to the United States, following him to where he worked as the head of a workshop which ended up employing twenty-five top-notch artisans, all of them Mexican and, with the passing of time, all of them proudly pocho. During that bonanza period, when my father was overtaken by nostalgia, he’d dress my older brothers like funk musicians. They would sport satin shirts in shrill colors and with ballooned sleeves, the likes of which I would later see on a show that aired music videos each Sunday and in rock magazines. The younger siblings received beautiful toys. The gifts reached us by plane, whenever my father’s friends returned to visit their families. Unlike these friends of his, my father soon did away with the extreme productivity in that Texas town, and after three years he came home to Mexico City with savings, anxious about the new life he was going to start.

The bonanza didn’t last long. Bad family business ideas, and especially the devaluations, ended the harmony. My parents could name all the pawnshops. They transmitted their experiences to us as if by osmosis. “Property should be used to get you out of sticky situations” was the family motto. My mother’s children grew used to living on the installment plan.

I barely realized that I was panting, choking on the past. Because of the stifling heat, I was glazed with sweat as if I had been working outside all day. I refused to recognize what was filling me up with so much rage. My Banana Republic T-shirt was drenched with sweat smelling of Givenchy cologne. I had been turned into a servant with a luxury uniform, thanks to the presents from a wealthy family.

I finished setting up the fence, and under the guise of returning a hammer to the garage, I stayed inside there, calming myself. I felt trapped in my rage and wanted to shatter the windows of the convertible Audi. I saw in the reflection some guy with reddened eyes. Accept what you are: a bitter person. You just remembered where you came from, now give them the pretext. Come, walk back to sixteen years ago. “If you don’t take care of your kids, next time, it’s juvenile hall.” You remember? That was the warning that a social worker gave to your father who had gone to grease his palm so that you and your brother wouldn’t be sent to a boot camp for youth along with all the other young hoods.

To eat filets and earn some dollars, I had to work for some people who had no merit other than being kind in exchange for not loading them down with guilt. With an astute sense of finances, they filled their houses up as if they were halls exhibiting everything that could compose a monumental tackiness. Perhaps that’s why they kept me on a loose leash. I was their best house alarm. They didn’t seem to learn from their personal tragedies. They referred to their egoism as “each one for himself.” Fucking bullshit! I knew about that pride, only from the opposite angle. I kept myself alert by the morbid interest of Patricia in me; unsatisfied with my curt or mordant answers, she would do additional investigations with the children when I wasn’t around. It wasn’t necessary to lie or avoid questions to keep her away from my past, anguishes, or interests. She would never understand my hatred for the job, nor why I never said thanks for anything. I returned to the pool and I sat down to get some sun and sip some lemonade, making a toast to Patricia.

Her boys laughed at her pretensions, prattle, and lack of culture. I once urged Pete to ask his mother if she knew that Jonathan Swift was a travel agent in Ireland. She answered yes.

Patricia politely reminded me to not bring guests home. She was the one who had suggested to Gunter to change the gender of the nannies and housekeepers. The nannies prior to my arrival allowed themselves to be groped for money, and they robbed all sorts of junk, especially a Frenchwoman who would screw her boyfriend in the kitchen and would always leave dirty maxi pads in the bathroom.

“You’re not a fag, right?” asked Gunter when I was interviewed.

“Why, you into Mexican guys?” I answered at once, swallowing my anger. His boys laughed wildly and the old man was forced to admit he had been one-upped.

It was the best job I had for years. I lived at ease thanks to the boys; they were happy to have found an eager accomplice to their frequent saturnalias of music, drugs, beer, video games, and board games with friends who, at night, would climb up to Michael’s window to avoid Kaiser, the German shepherd being trained as a guard dog, and Gunter. These gatherings were like a déjà vu of a stage in my life that I had left behind long ago.

* * *

During four raw winters, the DJs and their emotional autism made sense to me.

Marcel and Jeff were two other brothers, but with Colombian parents. They would bring their records and equipment to Michael’s room. They had the same intense heat for music and for lighting enormous pipes filled with marijuana that would have us on the brink of madness while we watched them mix on the turntables. Supposing that I was some sort of alley cat imported from an enormous city surrounded by pyramids, plots of cannabis, and horny, curvaceous women, Marcel, the more extroverted and knowledgeable of the two, would patiently explain the finer details of a music that, to my ears, sounded as if it had been lifted from my adolescence. During four raw winters, the DJs and their emotional autism made sense to me. Snow would fall outside Michael’s bedroom window while we smoked some thick joints rolled by Jeff. The patio was covered by mud. In the black shadows, light glistened from neighboring houses. The snowstorms raised white hills more than three feet high, and the weather forecast reported at least three more weeks of blizzards, mud, and ice slicks. Classes were canceled. Winter clothes piled up by the bedroom doors. The porch thermometer indicated that it was fifteen below, and stepping outside to the street proved to be a lost battle after just a few steps.

Around that time, a block of ice destroyed the back window of Gunter’s car when it was parked beneath the train’s bridge. Jeff and Marcel had walked two and a half miles from their house. The streets and freeways were closed off or with access reserved only for emergency vehicles. The trucks that would dredge the streets of ice didn’t help. However, Jeff and Marcel arrived, carrying backpacks stuffed with equipment, early on Friday night, ready to play the best from their song list, which they continually tinkered with at a specialty discotheque fifteen miles north of Greenwich. I was stretched out on the comfortable leather sofa, and I tried to capture the change in beats and their sense. Marcel liked experimenting, and he sometimes mixed old cumbia and vallenata records, which he took from his father’s collection, a baker at the factory in Port Chester. Jeff’s strength lay in house and, according to what others said, he had a future in the scene: he was one of the local stars, regionally celebrated in the raves of Connecticut and Upstate New York. Marcel, younger and more intuitive, professed a sick love for his brother, and he took care to not overshadow him while he worked at the turntables. Marcel pretended to learn things from Jeff when he had already learned them by ear. They took turns with their pipes and made the records spin, and they invited me to follow along, my brain with hundreds of burned-out fuses, but with enough still crackling to accept the fact that that was the perfect music for cold cities, polar ones, where one had to stay inside to protect oneself from winter’s sadism. Traveling through an interior world with vibrant colors and friendly energy made us feel like we were inhabitants of Interzone: out of the reach of civilization, but with a deus-jockey making his modest omnipresence known through break beats. The world could get lodged in the ice age. We had all we needed to sample to our liking.

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Border checkpoint. Via Wikimedia.

During the day, I took advantage of the fact no one was around to take long naps, read, and use the computer. During the night, some classes awaited me, as well as time at a bar. I ate well from the enormous two-door refrigerator from which—as according to Gunter’s instructions—I had to toss still-fresh food into the trash, which no one had touched. It never took me more than four hours to do my duties, which were always the same, and I even ended up developing a soft spot for their household pets, especially Fred, an enormous parrot with a potbelly and near-human intelligence. Every morning, Fred patiently employed his beak to open the hinge to his cage, and then he would help Brad, the canary, do the same. Then, while his companion flapped about scared, Fred walked down the plank splattered with greenish shit, dodging my projectiles to reach the bowl of Kaiser’s food, which he would pick at as if it were sunflower seeds. I would wait awhile from an armchair while I ate corn on the cob, and I would then chuck them at his potbelly. In order to catch him, I would use an iron poker that I slid under his claws.

Torpid and obese, Fred would vent his frustration via shrill squawks, moving his head about as if he were recuperating from a knockout while returning defeated to his corner of the cage. Although Brad was more stupid and cowardly, he was also more agile, and it would take me a longer time to catch him, as he was still light enough to fly. Both resigned themselves to waiting for the day’s end while shrieking uuuaaakk uuuaaakk. Gunter took charge of liberating them again and spoiling them with cookies and slices of apples.

* * *

From my small room way up in the attic, I clearly heard and triangulated the telephone conversations.

Until a little before my arrival at the home, there were telephone lines in each bedroom to assign and argue about duties. Gunter slept in a bedroom on the first floor; his closet was filled to the brim with clothes, his desk was covered with bills he had to pay, expensive knickknacks, and a panoramic television that he kept on all night.

I would jump onto his king-size bed late each morning to make phone calls while I watched TV. When he returned from work, Gunter would slip on some underwear and a white T-shirt. At dawn, you could hear Gunter’s sheepskin Apache-style moccasins walking the plank from his bedroom to the kitchen for food. Suit, shoes, and shirt would remain at the foot of his bed until the following day, when I would bring them to the washing machine and the dry cleaner’s. Next to his bedroom was the “studio” with two cages that I could fit into if I knelt down. They were the lodgings of Fred and Brad.

From my small room way up in the attic, I clearly heard and triangulated the telephone conversations. I was the first to ward off Gunter in the remote case that it occurred to him to go up and see what his boys did during the night. If I couldn’t stop him, Pete would come, and he would amuse him in his bedroom facing the hallway by cracking some joke he had heard at school or showing some new riffs he had learned on his out-of-tune guitar, while Michael hid the bongs, sprayed air freshener in the room, and did his best to make the room look like a hurricane hadn’t hit it. If his friends didn’t have enough time to hide in the closet, which had a door to the garage, they would sit quietly on the soft leather sofa, staring at the television screen with eyes as red as a rabbit’s from marijuana.

“Michael,” Gunter said, while making his voice resonate as if he were addressing an audience. “What is this? A billiard hall? Open the windows and make sure your friends don’t stay too late.” Then he turned to me. “I didn’t know you liked that goddamn noise,” he said, referring to the music. I was protecting myself within the darkness of the hallway, keeping a certain distance from Gunter so he wouldn’t notice my eyes or how I reeked of whiskey. Morning, I heard him walk down the plank; his moccasins entered and exited the kitchen with plates for him and Kaiser, who slept by his side, on the floor. I embarked on an epistolary enmity with Gunter that proved to be convenient as it avoided arguments. Many memos were taped to the refrigerator, such as the following:

As I asked you a while ago, you must thoroughly clean the house each day, including the bathrooms and the boys’ bedrooms. Sweep and clean the birds’ room and don’t lock them up in their cages, as they’re very nervous and do themselves harm. Prepare the recipe that I left you here. Tell Pete to buy me some Cokes and for him to not forget to feed Kaiser and the birds.

—Gunter

Gunter: I clean the house till it’s spotless every day. You don’t notice this because your foul dog and parrot make sure to mess up what I took all morning to clean. The same with your kids. If you want to see your house clean when you get home, starting tomorrow I will keep Kaiser in the backyard and the birds inside their cages. I don’t see Pete during the day. You’d be better off calling his friends.

P.S. The meat you bought at Grand Union was very tough and I gave it to the dog. Careful with that mad cow disease.

And such was how each day transpired. My personality matched his beliefs about “Mexicans.” I trusted him, but not much.

* * *


Late in Life, Thoreau Became a Serious Darwinist

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Randall Fuller | The Book That Changed America: How Darwin’s Theory of Evolution Ignited a Nation | Viking | January 2017 | 25 minutes (6,840 words) 

The excerpt below is adapted from The Book That Changed America, by Randall Fuller, which explores the impact of Darwin’s Origin of Species on American intellectual life. This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky

* * *

“How many a man has dated a new era in his life from the reading of a book!”

-Henry David Thoreau, Walden

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Detail from the single illustration that appeared in the first edition of the Origin of Species. Via Wikimedia.

*

537 plants!

With the possible exception of Asa Gray, no American read the Origin of Species with as much care and insight as Henry David Thoreau. Throughout the first week of February, he copied extracts from the Origin. Those notes, which until recently had never been published, comprise six notebook pages in a nearly illegible scrawl. They tell the story of someone who must have read with hushed attention, someone attuned to every nuance and involution in the book. In their attention to detail, they suggest someone who assiduously followed the gradual unfolding of Darwin’s ideas, the unspooling of his argument, as though the book of science were an adventure tale or a travel narrative.

He was drawn to Darwin’s compendium of facts, which illustrated the delicate interplay of causes leading to the survival or extinction of species. Darwin wrote, “The number of humble-bees in any district depends in a great degree on the number of field-mice, which destroy their combs and nests.” Thoreau copied the sentence into his notebook, probably because he enjoyed the cause-and-effect relationship it implied. He had always been interested in the quirky, arcane detail. “Winged seeds are never found in fruits which do not open,” he read in the Origin, transcribing the sentence into his natural history book. He recorded the strange (if incorrect) statement that “cats with blue eyes are invariably deaf,” something Darwin had gleaned from a work on zoological anomalies by Isidore Geoffroy St. Hilaire, who mistakenly assumed that all blue-eyed cats were deaf rather than the majority, as is actually the case.

He also admired Darwin’s genius for experimentation. Thoreau had described his own efforts in Walden to disprove the local myth that the pond was of unusual depth. With a stone tied to the end of a cod line, he “could tell accurately when the stone left the bottom, by having to pull so much harder before the water got underneath to help me”— a procedure that enabled him to chart the pond’s topography and discover its shallows and depths. He had even provided a map for interested readers. Now he discovered a similar impulse in Darwin. The British naturalist wanted to determine how far birds might transport seeds caught in their muddy feet; this would explain how identical plant species might be found thousands of miles apart. From the silty bottom of a pond near his home he procured some “three table-spoonfuls of mud,” which “when dry weighed only 6¾ ounces.” He kept the mud in his study for six months, “pulling up and counting each plant as it grew; the plants were of many kinds, and were altogether 537 in number; and yet the viscid mud was all contained in a breakfast cup!” The charm of the experiment resided in its simple ingenuity; from common household items Darwin had made a marvelous discovery: 537 plants!

Thoreau was most urgently drawn to Darwin’s ideas. That the struggle among species was an engine of creation struck him with particular force. It undermined transcendentalist assumptions about the essential goodness of nature, but it also corroborated many of Thoreau’s own observations. While living on Walden Pond, he had tried to discover the “unbroken harmony” of the environment, the “celestial dews” and “depth and purity” of the ponds. “Lying between the earth and heavens,” he wrote, Walden “partakes of the color of both.” But sometimes a darker reality intruded upon this picture. “From a hilltop you can see a fish leap in almost any part; for not a pickerel or shiner picks an insect from this smooth lake but it manifestly disturbs the equilibrium of the whole lake.” Something portentous and uneasy lurks about this sentence. The “simple fact” that animals must consume other animals to survive upsets Thoreau; it disturbs the equilibrium of one who wishes to find harmony and beauty in his surroundings. Thoreau tries to laugh it off, calling the dimpled lake the result of “piscine murder.” Yet Darwin provided an explanation for nature’s murderous subtext. Competition and struggle influenced “the whole economy of nature.” It drove species to change and adapt. It created. It was the cost of doing nature’s business.

* * *

Why do precisely these objects which we
behold make a world?

By the time he finished the first chapters of Darwin’s book, Thoreau had seized upon two of its principal ideas. The first was variation: the essential building block of natural selection. Variation received more attention than any other topic in the Origin, mainly because it provided the “means of modification” that enabled organisms to adapt. In the past Thoreau had considered variation from a transcendentalist’s perspective. “I expected a fauna more infinite and various,” he noted with disappointment one spring day, “birds of more dazzling colors and more celestial song. How many springs shall I continue to see the common sucker (catostomus Bostoniensis) floating dead on our river! Will not Nature select her types from a new fount?” Written five years before Darwin’s book was published, the passage reveals a basic tenet of transcendentalist philosophy: Thoreau expects Nature to answer to the demands of his imagination, to serve human needs. But the dead fish he finds each spring in the Musketaquid River also suggested to him an imperfect fit between species and environment.

Following this line of thought now, he copied a number of passages about variation and hereditability, noting for instance the puzzling phenomenon of young horses born with stripes on their shoulders. Why did those stripes disappear as they aged? “How simply is the fact explained,” wrote Darwin, “if we believe that these species have descended from a striped progenitor, in the same manner as the several domestic breeds of pigeon have descended from the blue and barred rock-pigeon!” (Darwin’s point was that the history of a species was encoded in the body, that physical characteristics provided clues about relationships to ancient progenitors.) Thoreau also copied another remark under the heading “Variability of flowers,” which stated that species belonging to the same genus tended to share characteristics, such as variations in color, while those belonging to separate genera did not.

What really interested him, however, was Darwin’s discussion of geographical distribution—the same topic that had engaged Asa Gray a decade earlier. In 1850 Thoreau had noticed a pine seedling in his yard, miles from any other pine, prompting him to wonder how it had gotten there. He began to study the way squirrels transported nuts and seeds from one location to another; then he followed the aerial voyages of milkweed spores and dandelion seeds. Soon he was observing cockleburs and other barbed seeds that attached themselves to animals and clothing, and for a while he considered whether the railroad might play a role in dispersing nonnative seeds to new locations. The question he was trying to answer was one he had asked in Walden: “Why do precisely these objects which we behold make a world?” Thoreau wanted to understand how the oak and pine woods surrounding Concord had sprung into existence. Why did this locale support robins and butternuts rather than, say, parakeets and pecan trees? How had each living thing come to inhabit its particular spot on the planet?

By concerning himself with this topic, he was at the forefront of natural science. Alfred Russel Wallace, whose wide-ranging travels had given him keener insight into the distribution of living things than almost anyone else in the world, would eventually explain the significance of the problem in his book Island Life (1880): “We can never arrive at any trustworthy conclusions as to how the present state of the organic world was brought about until we have ascertained with some accuracy the general laws of the distribution of living things over the earth’s surface.” In his own travels on the Beagle, Darwin had discovered that physical barriers—oceans, deserts, and mountains— often confined plants and animals to highly circumscribed regions. The Galápagos Islands were but one example. Sometimes an identical species was scattered across distant continents, even across vast oceans—as in the case of the Japanese flora found in eastern North America. While Louis Agassiz claimed that such examples implied separate and divine creation, a consensus was beginning to emerge within the scientific community that species were migratory and dynamic, settling wherever climate and resources facilitated their growth.

Darwin was convinced that the distribution of plants and animals shed light on evolutionary development, especially when a species became isolated and developed on its own. Some of the most delightful passages in the Origin of Species describe the experiments he conducted to determine how organisms scattered across the globe. He immersed seeds in saltwater for months at a time, then planted them to see if they would grow. He calculated the distance these seeds might travel across the ocean while immersed. (He determined that some could travel as much as 924 miles by prevailing Atlantic currents.) As for animals, he placed duck feet in a tank of water containing minuscule freshwater snails to see if the tiny creatures would take hold of the webbing. Revisiting his old travel notes, he discovered that a water beetle blown onto the deck of the Beagle had traveled some forty-five miles; this led him to speculate how insects and birds might cover enormous distances during a gale.

These experiments not only revealed how the world might have become populated; they also suggested just how accidental was that process. Far from the carefully organized scheme Agassiz and other special creationists described, Darwin’s world was the product of random and haphazard occurrences. The seeds of plants blew wherever the wind took them and germinated wherever there was enough sun and moisture. Animals followed land bridges or were swept away by flash floods or hurricanes; they were isolated on tiny islands in the middle of the ocean. Nothing was predetermined, nothing organized by design. General laws might govern these actions, but at the individual level, chance prevailed.

A contemporary portrait of Thoreau. (AP Photo)

Because he was already interested in the topic, Thoreau transcribed more passages from Darwin’s chapter on geographical distribution than from any other in the Origin. He carefully noted Darwin’s assertion that “I have not found a single instance, free from doubt, of a terrestrial mammal (excluding domesticated animals kept by the natives) inhabiting an island situated 300 miles from a continent or great continental island—.” And he meticulously followed Darwin’s argument that isolated islands might produce special evolutionary conditions. “[The French naturalist] Bory St. Vincent long ago remarked that Batrachians (frogs, toads, newts) have never been found on any of the many islands with which the great oceans are studded,” Darwin wrote. “I have taken pains to verify this assertion, and I have found it strictly true. I have, however, been assured that a frog exists on the mountains of the great island of New Zealand.”

Thoreau wrote down this passage and appended a remark that showed just how thoroughly he had absorbed the intricacies of Darwin’s discussion: The frog, he asserted, was surely “spawned not there.”

* * *

Every one has heard that when an American forest is cut down a very different vegetation springs up.

Ultimately it was Darwin’s method that left the deepest impression on Thoreau. The book was infused with a point of view: humorous and humane, stubbornly rigorous, breathtaking in its originality. As Thoreau pored over the Origin, he encountered many of his own thoughts packaged and reformulated in a style that was not just scientific but something we would now call Darwinian. In Walden, Thoreau had described a natural world prodigious in death: “I love to see that Nature is so rife with life that myriads can be afforded to be sacrificed and suffered to prey on one another; that tender organizations can be so serenely squashed out of existence like pulp,— tadpoles, which herons gobble up, and tortoises and toads run over in the road; and that sometime it has rained flesh and blood!” Thoreau was again trying to place nature’s profligate waste within a larger philosophical context. Describing the stench of a dead horse “in the hollow by the path to my house,” he claimed that the fetid atmosphere of decomposition indicated “the strong appetite and inviolable health of Nature.”

Darwin’s theory was grounded on similar observations. Nature might be responsible for countless “exquisite adaptations” and “beautiful diversity,” as he put it, but beneath those adaptations and diversity was an incessant struggle. “Every one has heard that when an American forest is cut down,” he wrote, “a very different vegetation springs up. . . . What a struggle between the several kinds of trees must have gone on during long centuries, each annually scattering its seeds by the thousand; what war between insect and insect—between insects, snails, and other animals with birds and beasts of prey—all striving to increase, and all feeding on each other or on the trees or their seeds and seedlings, or on the plants which first clothed the ground and thus checked the growth of the trees.”

This picture of strife and competition is similar to Thoreau’s version of a natural world, “so rife with life that myriads can be afforded to be sacrificed and suffered to prey on one another.” But while Thoreau thought nature’s monumental destruction was necessary for its health, Darwin was less certain. “Throw up a handful of feathers, and all must fall to the ground according to definite laws,” Darwin exclaimed, “but how simple is this problem compared to the action and reaction of innumerable plants and animals which have determined, in the course of centuries, the proportional numbers and kinds of trees now growing on . . . old Indian ruins!” Nature was neither fable nor allegory; it was, rather, a handful of feathers falling as randomly as gravity allowed.

* * *

The term spreadsheet was not in use then; it is possible Thoreau invented a prototype.

Darwin’s portrait of a teeming, pulsating natural world deeply resonated with Thoreau. The Origin of Species revealed nature as process, as continual becoming. It directed one’s attention away from fixed concepts and hierarchies, toward movement instead. It valued moments of evanescent change above all others. If it endowed each organism with a history, it also pointed to a future that was impossible to predict.

For Thoreau, this aspect of the Origin seemed to finish a sentence he had long been struggling to articulate. Once uttered, that sentence seemed to snap the natural world into place. Reading the Origin, Thoreau discovered someone else who understood nature as he did: abounding and vibrant, each niche swarming, each interstice filled with life, each living thing a small part of constant change, a participant in struggle and development, brimming with potential and significance.

Throughout the late winter and early spring of 1860, he continued his daily walks, his diligent measuring and collecting. He spent the cold New England evenings hunched over his journal. But now his prose kindled with a new energy. And something else happened. For eight years Thoreau had patiently compiled mountains of phenological data— information about the timing of nature’s seasonal events. Over the years he had noted the flowering dates of hundreds of plants and recorded what environmental scientists now refer to as “leaf-out” and “ ice-out” dates: that brief period when trees first show their leaves and when the ice on ponds melts.

Immediately after finishing Darwin’s book, Thoreau began the tedious task of extracting and collecting this information. He reread his journals— thousands of pages— and copied the relevant information onto random slips of paper. A receipt from the family pencil-making business, for instance, became the repository of phenological information from 1852. Snow levels from 1854, which Thoreau recorded with a notched walking stick, were written on another scrap. As he carefully combed through his journals, he placed an X by each entry he transcribed.

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Sketch of clouds and rain from Thoureau’s journals.

When he was finished with this monumental task, he found he had copied information about more than one hundred trees and some sixty shrubs. He had described the height of grasses, the size of red maple leaves in May, the dates during which the “leaves of goldenrod [were] obvious.” He recorded the growth of fir trees, of larches, the leafing-out of the fever bush, waxwork, red cedar, tupelo, red currant, poison sumac. He noted the day in which “chicadees have winter ways.” He entered the date on which he first noticed the scent of decay.

With this process complete, he gathered his slips of paper and transcribed the information once again. This time his data went into a series of spreadsheets. (The term spreadsheet was not in use then; it is possible Thoreau invented a prototype.) These sheets of paper were nearly the size of a newspaper. On each one Thoreau listed a month, with a column devoted to every year from 1852 to 1860. Into these columns, in tiny, nearly illegible handwriting, he recorded all the information he had gathered.

What was he up to? The simple answer is that we don’t entirely know. He may have been doing what scientists invariably do when their aggregated data become too large and unwieldy: organizing them into sets. But the painstaking work he began in 1860 enabled Thoreau to capture and quantify the processes of growth and death in nature— to discover patterns in nature’s chaotic creativity. It also allowed him to determine if Darwin’s theories held true in the natural environs he knew so well. In Walden he had precipitously leaped into wishful hypothesizing, drawing from a bank of thawing mud all sorts of conclusions about the human and the divine. The spreadsheets presented something radically different: a natural world sharply restricted to facts. If Thoreau hoped to find some law or principle that might unify nature, he now believed he first had to build a solid foundation of evidence.

Around this same time, he began incorporating ideas he derived from reading Darwin into a new lecture he was writing for the Concord Lyceum. That work was entitled “Wild Apples,” and it is arguably the first piece of literature on either side of the Atlantic to be inspired by the theory of natural selection.

* * *

A natural world that resembled a democracy more than a kingdom.

Bronson Alcott failed to recognize the Darwinian references sprinkled throughout Thoreau’s latest lecture. He thought “Wild Apples” “a celebration of the principles of Nature, exemplified with much learning and original observation: beginning with the Apple in Eden and down to the wildings in Concord.” Alcott sat in the Town Hall and “listened with uninterrupted interest and delight” while Thoreau punned on Adam and Eve, on crab apples, on Johnny Appleseed. The lecture was a perfect example of Thoreau’s ability to spin literary gold from the simplest materials.

By focusing on wild apples, Thoreau was making his standard argument for the uncultivated and untamable aspects of life. He traced the history of apple cultivation, sprinkling his talk with a decade’s worth of facts and observations he culled from his notebooks and journals. Concord residents must have delighted to hear the village eccentric expound on the apple’s place in Greek mythology and Homeric epic, to learn of the numerous binomial Latin names for apple varieties used by science, to hear pungent descriptions of the taste of different apples, including the acrid crabapple. They must have recognized with delight the “old farmer” Thoreau quoted as saying that apples in November “‘have a kind of bowarrow tang.’”

What they most likely did not notice was the influence of Darwin, which courses like a subterranean stream through the loamy prose of Thoreau’s lecture. He traced the geographical distribution of apple trees “throughout Western Asia, China, & Japan.” He described how animals helped disperse apple seeds, and he portrayed the fruit tree as an example of artificial selection, having been transmuted from an indigenous shrub to “the most civilized of all trees” by careful breeding over many generations. Referring to Darwin’s discussion of dog breeders, he asked, “Who knows but like the dog, [the apple] will at length be no longer traceable to its wild original (No tree is more perfectly domesticated). It migrates.”

By the time he delivered his lecture on “Wild Apples” in late February, Thoreau had long since finished reading Darwin’s groundbreaking book. He continued to dwell on it, however, focusing especially on the book’s third chapter, “The Struggle for Existence.” Darwin’s portrait of the “war between insects, snails, and other animals with birds and beasts of prey” captured a dynamic he had observed on his countless walks into the woods. But he was becoming more interested in the way this war also linked creatures together—something Darwin described as the way “plants and animals most remote in the scale of nature, are bound together by a web of complex relations.” In Darwin’s vision of nature, species and individuals honed themselves in strife. They came into being through continual friction with one another. “Many cases are on record showing how complex and unexpected are the checks and relations between organic beings,” Darwin wrote, “which have to struggle together in the same country.” Thoreau didn’t express it in quite the same way, but he seems to have begun envisioning a natural world that resembled a democracy more than a kingdom, its citizens connected and yet perennially jostling for advantage. As winter came to a close, this fascination increasingly expressed itself in Thoreau’s research into trees.

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Sketch of a tree from Thoreau’s jouranls.

One of Darwin’s examples stood out in particular— a passage in the Origin describing a Staffordshire estate. The land, which probably belonged to Darwin’s father, was a large, barren heath. A generation earlier several hundred acres had been fenced off and planted with Scotch fir, the only pine variety native to Europe. Twenty years later the difference between the two areas was astonishing—“more than is generally seen in passing from one quite different soil to another,” Darwin wrote. Twelve plants that did not exist on the heath flourished among the pines. Six insectivorous bird species, also wholly absent on the heath, lived there— implying a significant alteration in the insect population, as well. “Here we see how potent has been the effect of the introduction of a single tree, nothing whatever else having been done, with the exception that the land had been enclosed, so that cattle could not enter.”

It was a simple but brilliant insight. By amassing details about plants and animals, Darwin had grasped how new environments might come into being. He could not trace every step that had created this new ecosystem—he had not observed it for the twenty years it took to develop—but he had a plausible theory to explain why the transformation had occurred. By introducing a new species to an established environment, humans had completely thrown off-kilter the dynamics of competition and coexistence, creating opportunities and disasters in its wake. An alteration in nature’s equilibrium had introduced a chain of advantages and disadvantages to countless species, radically transforming the landscape.

Thoreau latched onto this particular moment in the Origin for several reasons. For one, it implied that the history of an environment was recoverable. If one accepted the premise that perpetual struggle between species led to the creation of place, then one could uncover its history and thereby determine why “precisely these objects which we behold make a world,” as he had written in Walden. The passage in the Origin also reinforced the idea that such histories were provisional and unpredictable. Each living thing contained the potential for countless actions and reactions, and these in turn contained innumerable paths of development that were impossible to manage. Nature was alive, in other words, not static. And one other aspect of Darwin’s story about the Staffordshire estate intrigued Thoreau: its human element. A completely new landscape had sprung into existence when a sentient being decided to introduce pine trees. This simple act had helped create a complicated environment, a new fact in the world. Thoreau had long suspected that people were an intrinsic part of nature— neither separate nor entirely alienated from it. Darwin enabled him to see how people and the environment worked together to fashion the world. Put another way, the Origin provided a scientific foundation for Thoreau’s belief that humans and nature were part of the same continuum.

Which isn’t to say he adopted the book unequivocally. That spring he continued to grapple with its unrelenting empiricism and with the inductive method of science more broadly. “Science in many departments of natural history does not pretend to go beyond the shell,” he observed a few days before visiting a forest fire in Acton, “i.e., it does not get to animated nature at all.” For Thoreau, merely measuring and describing nature failed to capture its essence. Take the dog, for example. What was most interesting about the animal was “his attachment to his master, his intelligence, courage, and the like, and not his anatomical structure or even many habits which affect us less.” Other aspects of the dog— its relationship to its kind, its fondness for warmth and touch, its interactions with people—conveyed core attributes far better than physical descriptions. Science missed the bigger picture. It failed to grasp what the ancient Romans would have called the animus of nature: its spirit, its mind, its purpose.

At times, Thoreau’s thought bordered on the nostalgic. He longed for the transcendentalist’s confidence in a natural world infused with spirit. He considered his increasing scientism an unwelcome sign of aging, as if the sap and vigor of youth were slowly petrifying. But he continued collecting data, continued filling his journal with notations on the arrival of the robin and bobolink, the budding of the spiraea and the Missouri currant.

* * *

His most widely read piece of writing during his lifetime.

“Henry Thoreau’s discourse before the Middlesex [County] Agricultural Society” was a resounding success, Bronson Alcott wrote in his journal in late September. The society’s fair was held annually in Concord, drawing enormous throngs of people from neighboring towns and villages. Because this was high-minded New England, the event combined self-improvement with agricultural contests and exhibits. Alcott and Emerson had both delivered lectures in the recent past, their inspirational messages punctuated by the plaintive lowing of penned cattle and sheep. Cash prizes ranging from three to ten dollars were awarded for “best porkers,” “best geese,” and “best stallion.” There were countless other honors for finest apples, best-made boots, sweetest peaches and plums, best watermelon, butter, bread, and flowers. John Brown’s daughter, Sarah, received a dollar award for her exquisite needlework.

Darwin. (Via: Wikimedia Commons)

That year the fair took place “under rather unfavorable auspices,” because of “the very inclement state of the weather.” The skies were purple with storm clouds, and a silvery rain slanted off and on, dousing the fairgrounds. In an effort to stay dry, people crowded into the exhibition hall, which was “ornamented by suspending carpeting from the upper part of the building.” By two o’clock the weather had cleared enough to allow the marching band to escort a crowd down Main Street and into the Town Hall, where Thoreau delivered what became his most widely read piece of writing during his lifetime. “The Succession of Forest Trees” was soon reprinted in newspapers across the country, first by his acquaintance Horace Greeley at the New-York Tribune, and then by many other smaller periodicals. The essay was the result of Thoreau’s encounter with Darwin.

Despite its evolutionary overtones, Alcott enjoyed his friend’s talk “on Nature’s Methods of planting forest trees by animals and winds,” finding it “admirable and interesting” and every bit as entertaining as “Wild Apples.” The lecture proposed to explain why oak forests were replaced by pine forests when cut down and vice versa— a phenomenon Emerson, Horace Greeley, and many other reasonably informed observers considered an impenetrable mystery. Darwin had observed in the Origin of Species, “Everyone has heard that when an American forest is cut down, a very different vegetation springs up.” One theory held that the appearance of new forests was the product of spontaneous generation (the scientific term at the time was abiogenesis): plants and animals simply came into being, wondrously if inexplicably, animated by some mysterious spark that was either chemical or divine. This idea accorded well with the idealistic science of Agassiz, and in 1859 one of his assistants, Henry James Clark, announced that he had observed microscopic animals come into existence from decomposing muscle. At a meeting of the American Academy, “Professor Agassiz corroborated Mr. Clark’s statements most fully, and spoke of the discovery as one of the very greatest interest and importance.”

Thoreau considered this nonsense. Spontaneous generation was a form of magical thinking. People wanted to believe that plants and animals sprang miraculously into existence; they harbored an innate need to find mystery and the supernatural within everyday life. That sort of thinking was unjustified, however, because it ignored the causal relationships that occurred in nature. Since the mid-1850s, Thoreau had filled his journals with observations about the mechanisms that enabled seeds to disperse. He had carefully observed and described burrs, pollen, and maple wings, hypothesizing how each might travel before germinating. As town surveyor, he had measured dozens of woodlots, paying special attention to the saplings struggling to survive in the deeply shadowed undergrowth. He was confident that plants did not spring from nothing.

* * *

I have great faith in a seed.

Thoreau was close to Darwin’s position. He assumed the universe was governed by laws, but he also believed that the products of those laws occurred in a more or less random way. He hovered between design and chance, between idealism and materialism. Which is why his argument in “The Succession of Forest Trees” is so remarkable—for Thoreau locates mystery and wonder within materialism.

His touchstone is the seed: an emblem of renewal and vitality. Standing before the audience at the Agricultural Fair, Thoreau announced that he had found some “long extinct plants” growing in the ruins of a cellar. “Though I do not believe that a plant will spring up where no seed has been,” he said, “I have great faith in a seed.” Here he was dispelling the myth of spontaneous creation, but he was also arguing on behalf of a new kind of magic, a new source of awe. “Convince me that you have a seed there, and I am prepared to expect wonders. I shall even believe that the millennium is at hand, and the reign of justice is about to commence, when the Patent Office, or Government, begins to distribute, and the people to plant the seeds of these things.” His point was that nature’s fecund banks of seeds bear witness to a world of wondrous scope and intricacy. Millions upon millions of seeds and spores are produced and scattered, broadcast by the air and by animals in order that a few plants may find their niche and grow. The countless complex interactions necessary to produce a single maple may be the result of nothing intelligent, omniscient, or all-seeing. But something almost as wondrous replaces this intelligence: a natural world that is blindly self-directing, a world that is driven by struggle and contingency, a universe authored not by some abstract Almighty—but by itself. The world, Thoreau suggests, is its own autobiography.

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Darwin’s finches. Via Wikimedia.

“The Succession of Forest Trees” reflects a conflict between two visions. One brims with divinity, the other is purely mechanistic. One carries with it a rich heritage of religious belief, the other whispers that God is redundant amid the promise of new discoveries and more complete knowledge. Thoreau moves fluidly between the two, shuttling between the divine and the here-and-now, between theism and materialism. And he endows each with the other. In the address’s final paragraph, he describes seeds as “perfect alchemists I keep who can transmute substances without end.” The word transmute is important here: it alludes to Darwin’s transmutation theory as well as to the potent magic of alchemy, the ancient art of transforming base metals into gold. Thoreau had recently planted some squash in his garden. “Here you can dig,” he informed his audience, “not gold, but the value which gold merely represents; and there is no Signor Blitz about it.”

He was speaking of Antonio Blitz, a popular magician of the era famous for his ventriloquism, plate spinning, and his so-called “egg bag,” a linen sack from which he produced dozens of eggs out of thin air. In this offhand reference to the Welsh-born magician, Thoreau sums up the ambiguities of Darwin’s theories in its first year of publication, capturing both the uncertainties and the longings they created. He argues that another form of mystery and magic is still available, one divested of an intervening providence but nevertheless producing wonder at the deep, irreducible materialism of nature.

As such, “The Succession of Forest Trees” is an early response to a world Darwin had introduced— a place divested of God and yet made wonderful by science, a world of weakened faith and exciting discovery. (Emily Dickinson suggested some of the pain of living in this new reality when she wrote, “Nature is a haunted house”; though God once inhabited the natural world, He has since vacated the premises.) Comparing the wonders of seeds and the cheap magic of Blitz, Thoreau concluded with satire: “Yet farmers’ sons will stare by the hour to see a juggler draw ribbons from his throat, though he tells them it is all deception. Surely, men love darkness rather than light.”

We all believe in magic, Thoreau suggests. We all need to feel that there is something more. But the danger is that this need obscures truth. The world is filled with magic, Thoreau asserts, is rich with mystery—just not the kind that religious tradition has led people to expect and rely upon. In order to experience these things, one has to relinquish certainty, to abandon old faiths and old patterns of belief. One has to live in the nick of time, between orthodoxy and the unknown, searching for knowledge and insight amid perpetual irresolution.

* * *

Constant new creation.

With Darwinian natural selection in mind, Thoreau wrote, “The development theory implies a greater vital force in nature, because it is more flexible and accommodating, and equivalent to a sort of constant new creation.”

Constant new creation. The phrase represents an epoch in American thought. For one thing, it no longer relies upon divinity to explain the natural world. Only a decade earlier Thoreau believed he had found evidence of a divine “Artist” working in the unexpected medium of thawing mud. He had been encouraged to think this way by Emerson, who claimed that every physical fact was the outward representation of a spiritual truth. Emerson had prodded Thoreau to look through nature—not at it—in order to perceive the godhead. To a degree, Thoreau had always resisted this approach; he loved the hard surface of things too much. But now, within the short span of a year, Darwin had propelled him toward a radically different vision of creation that could be explained without an Artist. “The development theory” suggested a natural world sufficient unto itself—without the facade of heaven. There was no force or intelligence behind Nature, directing its course in a determined and purposeful manner. Nature just was.

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Charles Darwin’s first sketch of an evolutionary tree (1837), with the famous appearance of “I think.” Via Wikimedia.

Thoreau would continue to develop these ideas into the next year, when the concept of secession—not succession—preoccupied most of the nation. “It is a vulgar prejudice that some plants are ‘spontaneously generated,’” he wrote in March 1861, one month before the start of the Civil War, “but science knows that they come from seeds, i.e. are the result of causes still in operation, however slow and unobserved.” If divine intervention was unnecessary to produce plants, then the world was governed by luck and coincidence to a degree most people refused to acknowledge: “Thus we should say that oak forests are produced by a kind of accident.”

* * *

One world at a time.

We will never know how far Thoreau might have absorbed and extended Darwin’s theory. Nor can we know what insights he might have extracted from applying the principles of variation and natural selection to his beloved woods and fields. An accident of another sort befell him during the final month of 1860. “I took a severe cold about the 3d of December,” he noted in his journal, “which at length resulted in a kind of bronchitis, so that I have been confined to the house ever since.”

Most likely he contracted influenza from Alcott—it was a particularly bad winter for the illness, and he had visited when the philosopher was still contagious. Thoreau managed to deliver a lecture in Waterbury on December 15, his voice ragged and wheezy as he spoke. Then he remained in bed until nearly Christmas, impatient to return outside and continue his investigations. While he lay in bed, South Carolina declared that “the union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the ‘United States of America,’ is hereby dissolved.” Other Southern states soon followed suit, and by the spring of 1861 the once impossible nightmare of civil war seemed increasingly likely.

But Thoreau did not recover. The influenza had apparently exacerbated a dormant case of tuberculosis, a scourge of New England that had already carried off one of his sisters. For the next year or so he tried intermittently to venture into the woods, to visit the placid blue-green waters of Walden, to sit outside and absorb the sunlight. More often than not weakness assailed him, and he was forced to turn back. His cough grew worse. Alcott visited his friend and observed that being housebound was “a serious thing to one who has been less a housekeeper than any man in town, has lived out of doors for the best part of his life, has harvested more wind and storm, sun and sky, and has more weather in him than any.”

Just before the Battle of Bull Run produced the first Union defeat in the summer of 1861, Thoreau embarked on a long train trip to Milwaukee, hoping the climate would improve his health. It did not. At some point he realized he would never recover, that it was time for a strict closing of accounts. He embarked on the bittersweet process of putting his manuscripts in order, extracting from his sprawling notebooks a few essays for the Atlantic. By the following spring he was a wraith. In March 1862 he wrote an admirer of Walden, “I suppose that I have not many months to live; but, of course, I know nothing about it. I may add that I am enjoying existence as much as ever, and regret nothing.” A friend, Sam Staples, visited Thoreau a few days later and reported to Emerson that he had never seen “a man dying with so much pleasure and peace.”

The spring of 1862 was refulgent with new growth and renewal. It was also shadowed by the resumption of fighting between Union and Confederate forces after winter. That March Thoreau could barely see or speak. He could no longer hold one of his family’s pencils. His cumbersome breathing filled the second floor of his mother’s house, where he had been moved. “Elizabeth Hoar is arranging his papers,” Abba Alcott wrote her brother, Samuel May, on March 24, 1862, “— Miss [Sophia] Thoreau copying for him—he is too weak to do any of the mechanical part of himself.”

At some point his aunt visited his sickroom to ask, “Have you made your peace with God?”—to which Thoreau replied, “We never quarreled.” When another acquaintance asked, “Are you ready for the next world?” his response was sardonic and mirthful: “One world at a time.”

He died on May 6, 1862. News spread fast throughout Concord, prompting Sarah Alden Ripley to lament, “This fine morning is sad for those of us who sympathize with the friends of Henry Thoreau, the philosopher and the woodman.” Bronson Alcott visited during his final day, describing Thoreau as “lying patiently & cheerfully on the bed he would never leave again. He was very weak but suffered nothing & talked in his old pleasant way saying ‘it took Nature a long time to do her work but he was most out of the world.’” Against Thoreau’s wishes, Emerson arranged a funeral service at the First Church, his sorrow “so great he wanted all the world to mourn with him.” Speaking at the memorial, Emerson said of his friend’s unfinished natural history manuscript, “The scale on which his studies proceeded was so large as to require longevity, and we were the less prepared for his sudden disappearance. . . . It seems an injury that he should leave in the midst his broken task, which none else can finish,—a kind of indignity to so noble a soul, that it should depart out of Nature before yet he has been really shown to his peers for what he is.”

* * *

From THE BOOK THAT CHANGED AMERICA: How Darwin’s Theory of Evolution Ignited a Nation by Randall Fuller, published on January 24, 2017 by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2017 by Randall Fuller.

The War on Drugs Is a War on Women of Color

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Andrea Ritchie | Invisible No More: Police Violence Against Black Women and Women of Color | Beacon Press | August 2017 | 18 minutes (4,744 words) 

Below is an excerpt from Invisible No More, by Andrea Ritchie. This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky

* * *

The war on drugs has become a largely unannounced war on women, particularly women of color.

Drug laws and their enforcement in the United States have always been a deeply racialized project. In 1875, San Francisco passed the country’s first drug law criminalizing “opium dens” associated with Chinese immigrants, though opium was otherwise widely available and was used by white Americans in a variety of forms. Cocaine regulation at the turn of the twentieth century was colored by racial insecurities manifesting in myths that cocaine made Black people shoot better, rendered them impervious to bullets, and increased the likelihood that Black men would attack white women. Increasing criminalization of marijuana use during the early twentieth century was similarly premised on racialized stereotypes targeting Mexican immigrants, fears of racial mixing, and suppression of political dissent.

The “war on drugs,” officially declared by President Richard Nixon in 1971, has come to refer to police practices that involve stopping and searching people who fit the “profile” of drug users or couriers on the nation’s highways, buses, trains, and planes; saturation of particular neighborhoods (almost entirely low-income communities of color) with law enforcement officers charged with finding drugs in any quantity through widespread “stop and frisk” activities; no-knock warrants, surveillance, undercover operations, and highly militarized drug raids conducted by SWAT teams. It also includes harsh mandatory minimum sentences for drug convictions, which contribute to mass incarceration, and a range of punitive measures aimed at individuals with drug convictions.

Feminist criminologists assert, “The war on drugs has become a largely unannounced war on women, particularly women of color.” According to the Drug Policy Alliance, “Drug use and drug selling occur at similar rates across racial and ethnic groups, yet black and Latina women are far more likely to be criminalized for drug law violations than white women.” Black, Latinx, and Indigenous women make up a grossly disproportionate share of women incarcerated for drug offenses, even though whites are nearly five times as likely as Blacks to use marijuana and three times as likely as Blacks to have used crack. According to sociologist Luana Ross, although Native Americans make up 6 percent of the total population of Montana, they are approximately 25 percent of the female prison population. These disparities are partially explained by incarceration for drug offenses. These statistics are not just products of targeting Black, Latinx, and Indigenous communities; they are consequences of focusing on women of color in particular. From 2010 to 2014, women’s drug arrests increased by 9 percent while men’s decreased by 7.5 percent. These disparities were even starker at the height of the drug war. Between 1986 and 1995, arrests of adult women for drug abuse violations increased by 91.1 percent compared to 53.8 percent for men.

However, there continues to be very little information about the everyday police encounters that lead to drug arrests and produce racial disparities in women’s prisons. For instance, less well known in Sandra Bland’s case is the fact that before her fateful July 2015 traffic stop, she was twice arrested and charged for possession of small amounts of marijuana. After her first arrest a $500 fine was imposed. After the second, she served thirty days in Harris County jail, a facility criticized by the Department of Justice (DOJ) for its unconstitutional conditions of confinement.

* * *

Like the slave patrols of the past, Customs officers serve as gatekeepers who contain African American women’s freedom of movement.

One notable exception to the lack of information with respect to women’s experiences of drug law policing was a General Accounting Office investigation, which found that Black women were more likely to be subject to searches of their bodies and personal effects by US Customs and Border Protection agents than any other group. In fact, Black women were nine times as likely as white women to be X-rayed after being frisked or patted down, and two to three times as likely to be strip-searched, even though they were less than half as likely as white women to be found to be carrying contraband. Black women were also searched at a rate one and half times that of Black men and Latinx people, and were less likely to be found with contraband than any other group. The report also found that Asian and Latinx women were strip-searched three times as often as men of the same race, and were 20 percent less likely than white women to be caught with contraband.

Amanda Buritica, a fifty-two-year-old school-crossing guard born in Colombia, landed in San Francisco in 1994 on her way back from Hong Kong. She was strip-searched, forced to drink laxatives, repeatedly kicked by a US Customs officer, and held more than twenty-four hours before she was returned to the airport, sick and dehydrated from her ordeal. Across the country, shortly after landing in Fort Lauderdale following a trip to Jamaica, Janneral Denson found herself handcuffed to a bed at Miami Jackson Memorial Hospital by US Customs inspectors; she was forced to drink laxatives, her bowel movements were monitored, and she was held without contact with the outside world for two days, all because she allegedly fit the profile of a drug courier. She was seven months pregnant and experienced severe diarrhea and vaginal bleeding upon release. One week later, she delivered by C-section a three-and-a-half-pound baby who required prenatal intensive care for a month. These stories are just a few of the many behind the statistics that reflect pervasive stereotyping of Black and Latinx women as drug couriers.

In the late 1990s, these violations came to a head through litigation and congressional hearings. In both contexts, Black women described abusive frisks during which inspectors yelled at them, kicked their legs apart, and touched their breasts and vaginas through their clothes. They were subjected to strip searches and visual body-cavity searches during which inspectors insisted that women, including menstruating women, bend over and spread their buttocks, and, at times, inserted their fingers into women’s vaginas and anuses. No contraband was found on any of the women who came forward. The women described their experiences as “humiliating,” “sexually degrading,” and “like slavery.” Indeed, the sociologist Yvonne Newsome links these experiences of the war on drugs to the enforcement of slave codes, Black codes, Jim Crow laws, and other historic forms of policing of Black women’s movements and social mobility. She submits that “like the slave patrols of the past, Customs officers serve as gatekeepers who contain African American women’s freedom of movement,” and elaborates:

African American women who exit and reenter the United States cross two types of boundaries: a geographic boundary that marks the territorial limit of the nation-state and social boundaries that demarcate the power relations between race, gender and social class group. . . . International travel by African American women challenges normative expectations about the appropriate social and spatial locations for their race-gender group. Thus, Customs agents may perceive them as transgressors who—because they are “out of their place”—require scrutiny or other reprisals.

Newsome links the “highly subjective” criteria used by Customs agents in surmounting the relatively low legal bar to conducting searches at the border to specific aspects of controlling narratives shaping how Black women’s movements and actions—however innocent—are perceived. Newsome goes on to connect Customs agents’ perceptions of Black women to controlling images that “depict them as masculine, crafty, promiscuous, sexually inviolable, pathological and criminally inclined.” In so doing, she relies heavily on the revelations made by Cathy Harris, a Black US Customs inspector-turned-whistleblower who shared both the official and “unwritten rules” used to determine which passengers to target for searches. Newsome concludes that “the drug courier profile seems to have been constructed primarily around stereotypical notions of African American women and other people of color. This profile seems to assume that the only reason African American women travel internationally is to engage in criminal misconduct.”

* * *

Pulled over on an Arizona highway for making an improper right turn and… strip-searched in full view of male officers.

Sadly, attention to women’s experiences of profiling and discriminatory and abusive searches motivated by the war on drugs largely subsided into the annals of history after the initial outcry. Yet, profiling at the border is just the tip of the iceberg: pervasive profiling of women of color as drug users, couriers, and purveyors extends into highways, streets, and communities across the country, motivating ongoing strip searches and visual and physical body-cavity searches. In just one example, in 2007, a twenty-seven-year-old Black woman social worker was pulled over on an Arizona highway for making an improper right turn and was strip-searched in full view of male officers on suspicion that she was concealing drugs. She told the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Arizona, “I was visually raped, unconstitutionally violated, and racially profiled.” Yet Black women’s continuing experiences of violation in the context of drug law enforcement rarely make national headlines, nor are they highlighted in analyses of the drug war’s impacts.

The same is true of Latinxs. According to sociologist Juanita Díaz-Cotto, “The community-wide surveillance of Chicana/o barrios intensified under the war on drugs and made it virtually impossible for Chicanas/os to escape police harassment and brutality. This was regardless of Chicanas/os’ gender, age, sexual orientation, where they lived or socialized, and whether or not they engaged in illegal activities.” She notes that many Chicanxs she interviewed “experienced routine surveillance, harassment, arrests and excessive use of force in the streets, at police stations, and/or during raids of their homes. Almost half . . . were brutally beaten at least once, and sometimes by more than one officer.” One woman interviewed by Díaz-Cotto, Linda, described, “Wherever you got arrested…you could hear words like ‘fucking Mexicans,’ ‘dirty Mexicans’ . . . ‘fucking whore’ . . . ‘bitch,’ ‘slut.’ . . . That was routine.” Another said, they “put us on the street, faced down, spread eagles. They didn’t care if you had a dress . . . They didn’t care if you were pregnant . . . That’s just the way they’re gonna treat you.” Searches conducted for the ostensible purpose of locating weapons or drugs “were also frequently part of a pattern of sexual harassment and intimidation to which women suspects were routinely subjected [by male officers] . . . regardless of who conducted the searches and where, they were always invasive and humiliating.”

Despite disproportionate rates of incarceration, Native women are even less frequently recognized as targets of the war on drugs and police profiling. Yet, Lori Penner, a Native woman living in Oklahoma, testified at a 2003 Amnesty International hearing about a raid on her house by law enforcement officers claiming to be searching for drugs. According to Lori, police pulled her fifteen-year-old daughter “out of the shower and forced [her] to stand naked in front of three male officers. . . . One police officer had the audacity to tell my daughter she cleaned up nice and looks good for a fifteen-year-old girl.” Like colonial wars, the war on drugs clearly features gendered degradation of Native women.

Women’s experiences of policing in the war on drugs are thus highly gendered and sexualized. The war on drugs also drives gendered forms of police violence, such as extortion of sexual favors under the threat of a drug arrest that could lead to the loss of a job, a home, or children to child-welfare authorities, or to a long mandatory-minimum sentence, or to policing of pregnancy and motherhood. In just one case that came to light in 2016, two Los Angeles police officers were found to have coerced or extorted sex from at least four women arrested on drug-related charges.

The war on drugs can also prove deadly, as it did for Frankie Perkins, Tarika Wilson, Alberta Spruill, Kathryn Johnston, and Danette Daniels—the roll call of female casualties of the war on drugs is both hidden and long.

Racial disparities in rates of arrests and convictions, and the incarceration of women of color, are connected to the considerable discretion exercised by law enforcement agents waging the war on drugs when they decide who to stop and who to search. Law enforcement interactions with women of color are informed by perceptions of their bodies as vessels for drugs ingested, swallowed, or concealed and of women of color as “out of control” unfit mothers, community members dependent on drugs and men, or coldhearted “gangsta bitches” prone to inhuman violence. They are also informed by profound notions of the disposability of Black women, Indigenous women, and women of color. This was evident, for instance, in the case of Treasure, a Black trans woman brutally killed and dismembered after Detroit police, who had arrested her for prostitution, set her up as an informant in a drug transaction without any protection whatsoever.

Additionally, “Occupational hierarchies within the drug economy serve to reproduce the gender, race and class relations that structure social relations on a more general level.” Because police focus enforcement on street-based drug markets in low-income communities of color, women of color, relegated to these lower rungs of the trade, are therefore at greater risk of arrest than users and sellers operating in private spaces such as penthouses, fraternity houses, suburban basements, and boardrooms. While at one time the perception was that women were less likely to be stopped or searched by police on the streets, officers’ tactics shifted over time to proactively engaging in public strip searches. According to one Black woman interviewed by Rebecca Maher, “Now these cops around here starting to unzip girls’ pants and go in their panties.” Once caught in the maw of the system, women are subject to criminal sanctions far greater than their actual role in the drug trade.

While rates of arrest and incarceration of women of color in the context of the war on drugs have abated somewhat over the past decade from the levels in the 1980s and 1990s, the drug war continues to shape policing practices and devastate the lives and families of women of color—and is poised to intensify once again. It also serves as the backdrop against which broken windows policing and the policing of prostitution, poverty, and motherhood are superimposed. The ways the drug war is waged in day-to-day police interactions with women of color—and its role in the violation, incarceration, and deaths of women of color—therefore continue to demand our attention.

A woman is detained while protesters take part in a march against police brutality October 24, 2015, in New York. (Photo: EDUARDO MUNOZ ALVAREZ/AFP/Getty Images)

* * *

Over half of cities in the United States ban sitting or lying down in particular public places.

Federal drug enforcement policies of the 1980s were premised on the concept of “zero tolerance,” which promoted allocating additional law enforcement resources to areas where crime was said to be endemic, and mandated immediate and harsh responses to the most minor violations with little or no consideration for individual circumstances. “Zero tolerance,” particularly of possession of guns and drugs, is most frequently practiced in school settings. It also informed the simultaneous evolution of broken windows policing.

The “broken windows” theory of policing was outlined by neoconservatives George Kelling and James Q. Wilson in a 1982 Atlantic Monthly article. It goes something like this: if signs of disorder (like broken windows) and minor offenses (like loitering, panhandling, and graffiti) are left unchecked, then it’s only a matter of time before a community descends into chaos and violence. According to Kelling and Wilson, the only effective form of crime prevention is aggressive enforcement and prosecution of minor offenses—in other words, zero tolerance. The theory evolved to incorporate the premise that individuals who commit minor offenses such as fare evasion on public transit will, if not caught and punished, eventually commit more serious offenses: a sort of slippery slope of criminality. As with earlier vagrancy and indecency laws, broken windows policing focuses not so much on behaviors as on what Clare Sears terms “problem bodies” and their racially gendered presence in the public sphere. Indeed, the article presenting the theory explicitly names particular types of people—youth, homeless people, people perceived to be engaged in prostitution—as embodied signs of disorder. Precursors to Kelling and Wilson’s 1982 article were much more explicit about the racial and gender makeup of signs of neighborhood disorder: “young Black men, young women in short shorts hanging out on corners, interracial couples, and gay folks.”

Even Kelling and Wilson acknowledged in 1982 that it is “not inevitable that serious crime will flourish or violent attacks on strangers will occur” if signs of disorder are left unchecked. Indeed, the two wrote that their entire premise is drawn from what they themselves call “folk wisdom” rather than objective data, based on a belief that perceived disorder somehow renders an area more “vulnerable to criminal invasion” such that “drugs will change hands, prostitutes will solicit, and cars will be stripped.” In a comprehensive review of the literature and summary of his own research, Columbia law professor Bernard Harcourt concludes, “Taken together, the wealth of research provides no support for a simple disorder-crime relationship as hypothesized by Wilson and Kelling in their broken windows theory. . . . What I have come to believe is that the broken windows theory is really window dressing, and it masks or hides more profound processes of real estate development and wealth redistribution.”

Key to implementation of broken windows policing is the proliferation of “quality of life” regulations criminalizing an ever-expanding range of activities in public spaces, including standing or walking (recast as “loitering”), sitting, lying down, sleeping, eating, drinking, urinating, making noise, and approaching strangers, as well as a number of vaguer offenses such as engaging in “disorderly” or “lewd” conduct. This broad range of potential offenses gives police almost unlimited license to stop, ticket, and arrest, and facilitates targeting homeless people and others who exist largely in public spaces. A 2014 study by the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty found that over half of cities in the United States ban sitting or lying down in particular public places, and 18 percent of cities completely ban sleeping in public. In 43 percent of cities it is illegal to sleep in a car. A quarter of cities ban begging citywide, and 76 percent ban soliciting for money in certain public places. Thirty-three percent of US cities ban loitering anywhere, while 65 percent ban it in particular places. According to one researcher, enforcement of such low-level offenses has become the “most common point of contact between the public and the criminal justice system.” In New York City alone, the NYPD issued almost two million summonses for quality-of-life offenses between 2010 and 2015, not including arrests for such offenses.

What is deemed disorderly or lewd is often in the eye of the beholder, an eye that is informed by deeply racialized and gendered perceptions. When I speak at universities or conferences about broken windows policing, I often ask how many members of the audience have ever fallen asleep on a train or in a park at some point in their lives. Dozens of hands shoot up. When I ask how many have ever been ticketed or arrested for it, almost all hands come down. If I am at a drop-in center for homeless youth or adults, or in a low-income Black neighborhood, and ask the same question, many hands remain in the air.

For instance, Giselle, a twenty-year-old Latinx lesbian from New York City was taking a nap on the train as she was going home with her girlfriend. An officer woke her up and ordered her off the train, frisked her, demanded her ID, and then roughly arrested her. Giselle felt that she was targeted based on her race and sexual orientation—and not for the first time. Nevertheless, she says, “I refuse to be victimized.”

Police officers are afforded almost unlimited discretion when determining who and what conduct is deemed disorderly or unlawful. More specific regulations, such as those criminalizing sleeping, consuming food or alcohol, or urinating in public spaces, criminalize activities so common they can’t be enforced at all times against all people. As a result, both vague and specific quality-of-life offenses are selectively enforced in particular neighborhoods and communities, or against particular people, including people who, due to poverty and homelessness, have no choice but to engage in such activities in public spaces.

* * *

This entire thing has been about your lack of respect for me.

Scratching the surface of broken windows policing reveals that, ultimately, the paradigm is nothing more than a repackaged and sanitized version of enforcement of age-old vagrancy laws and municipal codes criminalizing cross-dressing, common night walkers, and “lewd” conduct that were explicitly created to criminalize and control the movements of people deemed undesirable throughout US history. In a defense of broken windows policing published in 2015, a year after Michael Brown was killed in Ferguson by an officer who was engaged in it, Kelling acknowledged the lineage directly:

Given the subject of our article, the Black Codes—vague loitering and vagrancy laws passed in the South immediately after the Civil War— were of special concern for us. Under these laws police arrested African Americans for minor offenses and, when they could not pay the fines, courts committed them to involuntary labor on farms—in a sense, extending slavery for many into the 20th century.

Without offering a means of distinguishing broken windows policing from enforcement of Black codes, Kelling submitted that he and Wilson were simply arguing for “doing a better job at maintaining order.” Yet in their 1982 article, Kelling and Wilson acknowledge that there are “no universal standards . . . to settle arguments over disorder . . .” and that charges of being a “suspicious person” or vagrancy have “scarcely any legal meaning.”

Yet, “disorder” has economic and racial meanings. Broken windows policing advances the interests of corporations, businesses, and wealthy residents—and “disorderly people” has come to mean low-income and homeless people displaced into public spaces by a lack of affordable housing and cuts to social programs. The “community” broken windows policing purports to protect became the wealthier, white professionals and businesses moving into urban neighborhoods previously occupied by low-income people and people of color, who fear the presence and existence of the people they are displacing.

Indeed, fear is the undercurrent of broken windows policing—fear of “disorderly people,” “addicts,” people living with mental illness, and aggressive panhandling, squeegee cleaners, street prostitution, ‘boombox cars,’ public drunkenness, reckless bicyclists, and graffiti,” all of which allegedly contribute to “the sense that the entire public environment is a threatening place.” Anti-Blackness, including its specific manifestations with respect to Black women, is embedded within this fear of disorder: a 1994 internal police memorandum entitled “Reclaiming the Public Spaces of New York,” by Republican mayor Rudolph Giuliani and Police Commissioner William Bratton, cited both Kelling and Wilson’s Atlantic article and Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s controversial report, The Negro Family: The Case for National Action, which blamed social dysfunction on Black families, in particular, Black mothers—“Sapphire”-like “matriarchs.”

Broken windows policing has always self-consciously been about promoting a particular type of community. A desirable community is one of “families who care for their homes, mind each other’s children, and confidently frown on intruders.” According to Kelling and Wilson, society “wants an officer to have the legal tools to remove undesirable persons from a neighborhood.” Broken windows policing is thus posited as the last bulwark against a “frightening jungle” (a term fraught with racial meaning) in which “unattached adults”—that is, adults operating outside of hetero-patriarchal families—replace traditional families, teenagers gather in front of the corner store, litter abounds, and panhandlers stalk pedestrians. Ultimately, broken windows policing isn’t about reducing crime; it’s about assuaging white fears, however irrational or racist, of poor and homeless people, Black people, people of color, and queer and gender-nonconforming people.

The result: dramatically increased frequency and intensity of police interactions with Black and Latinx youth, low-income, and homeless people; public housing residents; people who are—or who are perceived to be—engaged in street-based prostitution; street vendors (many of whom are immigrants); and anyone else who is hypervisible in public spaces. This includes—as highlighted by the Audre Lorde Project’s (ALP) Working Group Against Police Violence—lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and gender-nonconforming youth and adults. Quality-of-life provisions that are associated with congregating in and using public spaces or with living on the streets disproportionately impact homeless, precariously housed, and low-income women and trans people of color, as well as those providing vital outreach services to those communities. Broken windows policing not only increases the number of law enforcement officers on the streets; it also increases the likelihood that women and trans people of color will be approached by police, sometimes with deadly consequences.

This was the case for Margaret Mitchell, a homeless, 102-pound, fifty-four-year-old Black woman described by authorities as “mentally ill.” In 1999, she was confronted by two LAPD officers enforcing a quality-of-life law allowing them to ticket people using shopping carts without a store’s permission and to confiscate the carts, a law almost exclusively enforced against homeless people. Margaret tried to walk away from the police, with her shopping cart full of her possessions. When someone driving by recognized her, they pulled over to try to talk the cops out of hassling her. Margaret began to run, pulling the cart behind her as the cops chased her. The next minute, the police shot her dead.

Even when not fatal, broken windows policing can escalate to the brutal use of force in the most mundane of police encounters. For instance, the year after Margaret Mitchell was killed, in 2000, a police officer in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, violently arrested Sharon Gullikson, a homeless Native woman, for disorderly conduct, panhandling at a grocery store, and trespassing. Witnesses describe the officer approaching Sharon, grabbing her, and slamming her to the ground. Sharon says, “The next thing I knew, I was face down. My glasses broke, and my head hit the pavement. He kneeled on my kidney. . . . A lot of homeless people are scared of him.” Broken windows policing was the excuse for officers to stop Stephanie Maldonado in New York City’s West Village for “jaywalking” and then slam her to the ground, injuring her face, just days before Michael Brown was killed in August 2014 following a similar stop. Some months earlier, in June 2014, another jaywalking incident escalated into physical violence when a police officer stopped Arizona State University English professor Ersula Ore as she walked in the street to avoid construction. When she questioned why she was being singled out, noting that she had never seen anyone else stopped for walking in the street on a university campus, the officer responded by handcuffing her and threating to “slam” her. In the end, that is exactly what he did, causing her skirt to ride up as she hit the ground, exposing her. On video, Ersula can be heard telling the officer, “This entire thing has been about your lack of respect for me.”

* * *

Arbitrary arrests for minor violations… can lead to deportation.

Broken windows policing also facilitates racialized policing of gender and sexuality. According to Tanya Erzen, broken windows policing “enables officers to act upon racial and gender biases they may have when they enter the police department—under the guise of enforcement of . . . ‘lewd’ or ‘disorderly’ conduct [laws].” All too often, officers read actual or perceived gender disjuncture as disorderliness, resulting in stops, harassment, and arrests of transgender, gender-nonconforming, and queer people of color for disorderly conduct.

Broken windows policing is also a driving force behind aggressive policing of street-based prostitution, leading to documented racially disparate impacts on women of color, trans and not trans. Street vendors, many of whom are immigrant women, are also marked as signs of disorder and harbingers of crime under broken windows policing. Veronica Garcia of Esperanza del Barrio of New York City testified at a 2003 Amnesty International hearing:

Most of the street vendors in the barrio, we are women, we are immigrants, and we are mothers and we are victims of abuse… and harassment on behalf of the police. . . . They tell us that we are illegal, that we have to go back to Mexico, and that we don’t have rights. They also threaten us to take away our children… they have used excessive force… they throw away food and merchandise.

Immigrant women thus find themselves drawn into the criminal legal system through arbitrary arrests for minor violations, which in turn can lead to deportation.

More than thirty years after Kelling and Wilson’s article, this unproven theory remains a dominant policing paradigm in urban areas. This reality requires that we pay particular attention to how controlling narratives inform broad exercises of police discretion and fuel police stops, harassment, violence, extortion, and arrests of women of color in the context of broken windows policing across the country.

* * *

Excerpted from Invisible No More: Police Violence Against Black Women and Women of Color by Andrea J. Ritchie (Beacon Press, 2017). Reprinted with Permission from Beacon Press.

How a Journalist Uncovered the True Identity of Jihadi John

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Souad Mekhennet I Was Told to Come Alone: My Journey Behind the Lines of Jihad | Henry Holt & Company | June 2017 | 19 minutes (5,112 words) 

Below is an excerpt from I Was Told to Come Alone, by Souad Mekhennet. This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky

* * *

The same masked man always spoke first in the beheading videos.

He was known as Jihadi John, a name given to him by former hostages who reported that he and three other ISIS guards came from the United Kingdom.

The hostages called them “the Beatles,” and Jihadi John was their most prominent member.

Jihadi_John

Jihadi John. Via Wikimedia.

*

I tell you, Souad, this man’s story is different.

About a week after the massacre at Charlie Hebdo, while I was still in Paris, I got a call from Peter Finn. He wanted me to talk to another Post reporter, Adam Goldman, who was trying to identify the “the Beatles.”

Adam’s booming voice and thick New York accent reminded me of a character from a detective movie. He told me he’d heard that Jihadi John was of Yemeni descent, that his first name was Mohammed, and that he came from East London. He asked if I had good contacts in the Yemeni community in London. Not exactly, I told him, but I did have sources among radical Muslims there. I had reported in London and its suburbs after the transit attacks of 2005, and I’d interviewed Omar Bakri, a prominent British Islamist cleric, and some others who didn’t often talk to reporters. I told Adam I’d ask around.

I made some calls, but no one wanted to talk on the phone, so I flew to London. Once there, I reached out to ISIS and Al Qaeda supporters, jihadi recruiters, and a handful of Bakri’s former students. The identities of “the Beatles” was a hot topic around London, I learned. Some of my sources told me that even if they knew who the men were, they wouldn’t tell me for fear of being punished as collaborators or supporters, since they hadn’t shared their information with the police.

One of my sources was a bit older and lived outside the city. He had been involved with a couple of high-level Al Qaeda operatives and was seen as a sort of godfather by many radical young men in and around London. The man said he’d heard rumors about Jihadi John, and he thought he might have met him before he left to join ISIS.

“Is he Yemeni?” I asked.

There was silence, then laughter. “Who told you Yemeni?”

“So it isn’t Mohammed from Yemen?”

“It is Mohammed, but not from Yemen.”

“East London?”

“Not East. And I tell you, Souad, this man’s story is different than anything before. I can’t say more than that.”

He wouldn’t tell me the man’s surname or his country of origin. The name “Mohammed” is as common as John, Paul, or George in London.

I called Adam. Was he sure that Jihadi John was Yemeni? That’s what his sources had told him, he said. I suggested we broaden our search. I spent the next day in my hotel room, going over notes from my interview with Abu Yusaf, especially the parts when he talked about the “brothers from Britain.” I also reviewed published interviews with released ISIS hostages in which they spoke about “the Beatles” and learned that one hostage reported that Jihadi John was obsessed with Somalia and would show the captives videos about it. I had met one former French hostage myself, and I pored over my notes from our conversation, looking for clues. Finally I watched some of the terrible ISIS beheading videos again and listened to what Jihadi John said and how he said it. Then I made a list:

Mohammed
videos of Somalia
London (not East)
not Yemeni
The ISIS commander told me, “We have brothers from Britain of various descents: Pakistani, Somali, Yemeni, and even Kuwaiti.”
educated/university degree
deep hatred/personal vendetta

The last two items were based in part on instinct. In the ISIS videos, Jihadi John sounded educated; Abu Yusaf had also told me about the “brothers from Britain” with university degrees, and one of the freed hostages had said that his captors seemed well educated. “Deep hatred/ personal vendetta” was a hunch based on Jihadi John’s tone as he raged against British prime minister David Cameron, President Obama, and U.S. foreign policy. Something had angered him; the wound seemed personal.

I looked again at Abu Yusaf’s words: We have brothers from Britain of various descents: Pakistani, Somali, Yemeni, and even Kuwaiti. I knew already from Adam’s information that Jihadi John must be of Arab descent, so I crossed out “Pakistani” and “Somali.” That left Kuwait as his most likely country of origin. I made a new list:

Mohammed
Kuwaiti
London
hatred/personal vendetta
educated/university degree
videos about Somalia

I set up another round of meetings, including one with a source linked to the Finsbury Park mosque in North London, a well-known center of jihadist recruiting. We met at 2:00 a.m. on the outskirts of the city. I took a taxi to a cabstand, paying in cash so the intelligence services, if they were watching, couldn’t track my whereabouts too easily. My source picked me up there and drove me to a coffee shop owned by a friend. The place was closed at that hour, and it was just the three of us: my source and me sitting at a small table while the owner did paperwork at his desk in back.

*

Will you be jogging at 4:00 p.m. tomorrow?

My source was an ISIS sympathizer, and he knew people who had gone to fight in Somalia. Years before, he had been an acolyte of Abu Hamza al-Masri, the radical former imam at Finsbury Park, who was extradited to the United States in 2012, found guilty of terrorism, and sentenced to life in prison.

I asked if he knew anything about a Kuwaiti named Mohammed who had problems with the British authorities. He thought about it.

“Kuwaiti, Kuwaiti . . . yes! I remember there had been a Mohammed who got into trouble in Tanzania.”

“What trouble?”

“I don’t remember. It was related to Somalia, I think.”

I tried to keep my cool.

“Do you know his full name?”

“Why are you so interested in him?”

I didn’t tell him that I suspected this man might be Jihadi John. Instead, I said that I was trying find out if this Mohammed had gone to Syria.

“I’ll see what I can do for you,” he said, “but it will take some days.”

He dropped me off at the same cabstand. It was almost 4:00 a.m. when I finally made it back to my hotel in central London.

I decided that I had to get in touch with a senior Islamic State official I’d known for years, the man who had helped arrange my meeting with Abu Yusaf. After that story ran, he’d asked somebody to deliver a message to me: Salam. The Turks were pissed about your story; intel is asking about you. Don’t come to the border region again, and don’t reach out to me unless it’s an emergency.

This is an emergency, I thought. But to make contact with him, I had to go back to Germany, where I had a secure, if circuitous, way of reaching him. I would observe a strict protocol we’d developed years earlier to avoid detection by intelligence agencies or militants, who might punish him for talking to me.

First, I had to talk to a woman who was living in northern Germany. I called her and took a train north to speak to her in person. I told her I needed to talk to my source. She knew it had to be important and agreed to pass on the message to him. She also gave me an unregistered SIM card, which I would put into one of four old Nokia phones that I kept for communicating with people like him. Unlike smartphones, these primitive devices were hard for authorities to track.

A few days later, I got a text message from the woman I’d visited: “Will you be jogging at 4:00 p.m. tomorrow?”

“Yes,” I replied.

I’m not really a jogger. This was a code: whenever my source set a time for an appointment, I would double the number; if he said “p.m.,” that really meant “a.m.,” and vice versa. At 8 a.m., according to the text, I should leave my apartment, turn on my old Nokia, put in the SIM card she’d given me, and wait for my source to call.

A short while before the appointed time, wearing sneakers, a black pullover, and a warm jacket, I walked to a park near my apartment. The winter sky was blue and the air was chilly. I’d left my smartphones at home and carried only the old Nokia in my jacket pocket. Although we’d arranged the call, there was no guarantee it would happen. I strolled through the park, feeling antsy. I’d likely have just a few minutes on the phone with him; it was a onetime shot. He might tell me what I wanted to know or he might say nothing. He might tell me never to call him again.

The phone rang. I fumbled to answer it.

As’salam alaikum. How are you?” he asked in Arabic.

“I’m okay. And you?”

“All well. But what is urgent? What disaster are you working on this time?” He was laughing.

I started laughing too, relieved that he was in a joking mood. “Tell me about Mohammed from Kuwait, the man in black.”

Silence.

“Are you there?” I asked.

“Yes, I’m here.” His tone was serious. “Who told you?”

“Told me what?”

“That he is Kuwaiti and that his name is Mohammed?”

“I can’t tell you,” I said. “You know I can’t.”

There was another silence.

“Interesting,” he said after a while. “So I assume the British dogs are spreading these rumors to get their lies out and hide the truth about him?”

“What do you mean?” I asked. “What lies? What truth?”

Silence again.

I decided to take a risk. “Do you mean the Somalia story?”

“So they told you about the Somalia story?” he asked. “Dogs! I knew it. They’re trying to create their own narrative.”

Walking through the park with my headphones on, I opened my small black notepad and wrote “Somalia.”

“So tell me the true story then,” I said.

“He had suffered a lot. The British intelligence was after him and closed many doors to him. It’s too long a story to tell over the phone now.”

“I need to know the truth. How else can I write it?”

*

Delete this message and throw away this SIM now.

His tone grew serious again. “Listen, you know I admire your guts and honesty, but be careful. You’ve upset some people in Turkey.” He meant the intelligence services and government officials. “The man you are touching now, if you don’t write the narrative the Brits dictate, that will piss them off as well. No more shopping at Harrods.” He started laughing again.

I told him I didn’t have much time for Harrods anyway and that he shouldn’t worry.

“What do you want?” he asked.

“I want the truth. But I need his full name to get the right information about what you said happened to him.” Another silence. “Listen, the story will come out soon, anyway. So help me get it right.”

“You’re crazy, but okay. I need to get back to you. Keep walking for a few more minutes.”

The line went dead. I walked around the park, pulling my jacket tight against the wind. I felt this was my best shot at getting Jihadi John’s name. Just then, my phone buzzed, and a text message appeared on the screen in English: “Go to London, Emwazi had tried to solve his problems with help of a group, ask CAGE. Delete this message and throw away this SIM now. Wa’alaikum as’ salam.” I could barely believe it. For the first time, I had a possible last name for Jihadi John, the masked man, casually dropped in a text.

I looked around to see if anyone was watching, then noted down the information, took the SIM card out, and threw it away. Back home, I called Peter and Adam and said I might have something but needed to get back to the United Kingdom. I also shared the new information with both of them, using an encrypted messaging program. My next call was to CAGE, a British advocacy group that campaigns against rendition, unlawful detention, and other government abuses in the name of fighting terrorism. I had been in contact with the group before, while working on other stories. I said I wanted to talk to them about a case they’d worked on.

“What case are you talking about?” the CAGE staffer asked.

“Is there a case of a man called Mohammed Emwazi?” I asked. “It might be related to Somalia.”

The man said he would check the files. He called me back soon after. Yes, he said, they had worked on a case involving a man of that name a couple of years ago. He invited me to come to London to discuss it with Asim Qureshi, the research director of CAGE. I booked a flight.

I had spoken to Qureshi before. He’s a lawyer who has worked on cases involving detainees in Guantánamo and secret prisons around the world. British-born but of Pakistani descent, he speaks with a fine English accent, drinks his black tea with milk, and enjoys scones with clotted cream. Yet he’d told me that some people doubted he was truly British because of the nature of his work.

Founded in 2003 as Cageprisoners.com, CAGE has built a track record as an advocacy group for Muslim prisoners. It was among the groups pointing out alleged torture in Guantánamo, and in the past decade and a half many who didn’t trust other organizations have come to CAGE with stories of mistreatment and injustice. That’s partly because CAGE doesn’t shy away from speaking to young men like Emwazi, who have been in trouble with police in terror-related cases.

In fact, CAGE itself has had problems with the British authorities. Since March 2014, the group has been operating without a bank account and, according to its website, is “under constant pressure and scrutiny from politicians and various government agencies. Despite these difficulties, alhamdulillah we have been able to work on major cases of significance in the War on Terror and continue to advocate for due process and the rule of law.”

Qureshi and I met at a coffee shop close to CAGE’s office. He explained that the group had been in touch in the past with somebody called Mohammed Emwazi, who had been in trouble with British authorities. “But this case was many years ago. Why are you interested in it now?” he asked.

I didn’t want to tell him about my suspicions, given that so far I had only one source. But I needed to collect as much information as possible, and I wanted to be as truthful as I could. “I’m looking into a case that’s related to Syria, and his name came up,” I said. This was true. I asked if CAGE had any contacts for his family.

He shook his head. “We haven’t been in touch with this man in years.” Qureshi added that he’d had to go back through the archives to refresh his memory of Emwazi’s case.

“Why don’t you start from the beginning,” I said.

*

It wasn’t how I envisioned the person I’d seen in videos cutting off journalists’ heads…. When he came to the CAGE offices, he brought sweets.

“That’s actually what I told him, when he came to the office the first time, why don’t you start from the beginning,” Qureshi recalled. He said that Emwazi was a British citizen whose family had come from Kuwait. “They were Bidoon,” Qureshi told me, “so they weren’t seen as full Kuwaitis.” When the British ended the protectorate in 1961, about a third of the Kuwaiti population were denied citizenship; Emwazi’s family belonged to this group.

He had gone to a sort of charter school called Quintin Kynaston, in the tony London neighborhood of St. John’s Wood. The school drew students from all over the city, including many from poor and immigrant families. Two other boys who had gone there had also become Islamist fighters.

Emwazi’s trouble with the law began when he and two friends were arrested in Tanzania in May 2009. My ears perked up when I heard that. I was looking for clues that might confirm that Jihadi John was obsessed with Somalia, and I knew that Tanzania was a frequent stop on the way to Somalia at that time.

According to Emwazi’s account, the local police detained them when they landed in Dar es Salaam. He told CAGE they’d been threatened and, at some stage, mistreated by the Tanzanian police, who suspected that the three planned to travel to Somalia. He told CAGE they were on their way to go on safari before beginning university or getting married.

He and his companions flew back to Amsterdam, where they’d changed planes on the way to Tanzania. “He said that an MI5 officer interrogated him there, together with a supposedly Dutch intelligence officer,” Qureshi said. MI5 is Britain’s domestic intelligence service. The MI5 officer, too, believed Emwazi and his friends had been on their way to Somalia to join al-Shabab, a militant group allied with Al Qaeda that operates in the southern and central parts of the country. Emwazi denied the accusations and claimed that MI5 agents had tried to recruit him.

Emwazi and his friends were allowed to return to Britain, but he said that he and his family subsequently felt “under pressure” from MI5. In the fall of 2009, he again met with Qureshi, talking about visits from MI5 agents, calls to his home, and strange cars following him. Finally, he and his family decided it would be better for him to return to Kuwait.

“Mohammed was quite incensed,” Qureshi said. He felt “that he had been very unfairly treated.”

In Kuwait, Emwazi got a job at a computer company, according to emails he wrote to CAGE. He came back to London at least twice. “He wanted to get married to a woman in Kuwait and settle there,” Qureshi said. “The second time, he came back to finalize the wedding planning with his parents.”

In June 2010, Emwazi emailed CAGE to say that British counterterrorism officials had detained him again during that visit to London, searched his belongings, and fingerprinted him. When he and his father went to the airport the next day, the airlines said he was on a list and refused to let him board a flight back to Kuwait.

I asked Qureshi if I could read this part of the email myself.

“I had a job waiting for me and marriage to get started,” Emwazi wrote, but now he felt “like a prisoner, only not in a cage, in London. A person imprisoned & controlled by security service men, stopping me from living my new life in my birthplace & country, Kuwait.”

I was surprised by the language in the email, which was very thoughtful. These were the words of someone who sounded emotional and slightly desperate. It wasn’t how I envisioned the person I’d seen in videos cutting off journalists’ heads. While reading his letter, I tried to picture the man in the black mask as its author. “What does he look like?” I asked. “Do you have a photograph?”

“No, we don’t,” Qureshi answered, but he described Emwazi as tall and good-looking with brownish skin and the fine features common in the Gulf. When he came to the CAGE offices, he brought sweets. Qureshi said he was very polite and grateful for their support and advice.

I had already typed his name into Google when I’d heard it from the ISIS source for the first time, but there had been no pictures. Either he was never very fond of social media or someone had cleaned up after him.

Qureshi said he’d last heard from Emwazi in January 2012, when Emwazi sent an email seeking more advice.

“No more emails or calls?”

“No, nothing from him,” Qureshi said.

“Do you know if he is still in the United Kingdom or if he has left the country?” I tried to avoid the word “Syria.”

“No, we don’t know,” Qureshi said, adding that he had emailed Emwazi in 2014 to check in, but there was no response.

I thanked Qureshi for his time and said I would be in touch again soon.

*

I need to have tea with you.

When I stepped out of the coffee shop, I felt as if I were carrying a weight. I was almost certain that Mohammed Emwazi was indeed Jihadi John. At the hotel, I went through all my notes from the conversations I’d had so far, and then watched some of the videos I’d downloaded on the Post server, because downloading certain violent online content was forbidden by Britain’s Terrorism Act of 2006. I wasn’t sure how the authorities would react to this Emwazi story, but I planned to leave the United Kingdom before it was published.

As I watched the videos, I tried to find one that offered a clearer view of his eyes. I took a screenshot and filmed some of the video clips on my phone.

But so far I had only one source, the senior ISIS official. I needed more. On one of my unregistered phones and SIM cards, I called my source in the United Kingdom who had already indicated that he knew something.

“I’m here in London,” I told him. “I need to have tea with you.”

“You are welcome,” he said.

I had to travel outside the city to meet him, and he warned me that he had time for only one cup of tea.

“It’s okay, this won’t take much time. You just have to tell me is Mohammed Emwazi this man?” I showed him the screenshot I’d taken of Jihadi John.

He looked at the photograph and then looked at me.

“Wait, we haven’t even ordered the tea yet,” he said, beginning to laugh.

We asked for tea, switched off our phones, and put them a few meters away from us, next to speakers blaring a mix of Hindi and Arabic music.

“You look tired. Are you not sleeping much?” he asked me. I acknowledged that this story wasn’t giving me much time to sleep.

“You know, one day a couple of months ago, a young man whom I had met on different occasions came to me and said he believed his friend was the man in black,” he finally began. “He said that from the voice and the body language and the eyes, he felt that this was someone he used to know, and he was the one who mentioned something about Somalia and other stories.”

I began to tremble. Maybe it was because I was exhausted, or because I felt we were very close to getting a second source.

“Did he tell you the name of his friend?” I asked.

“Yes. It was the name you mentioned, Mohammed Emwazi.”

He asked me to keep his comments off the record, given the sensitivity of the case, but promised to put me in touch with Emwazi’s friend. He picked up his phone, dialed a number, and spoke to the man, trying to convince him to meet me. He even handed me the phone so we could say Salam and I could hear his voice.

“I’d like to meet you,” I told him, but he didn’t agree then and there.

“I will give him the number for your unregistered phone,” my source said after they hung up.

“Where does he live? In London?”

He confirmed this but said he couldn’t tell me more and that he had to leave. I took a train back to central London, checking often to see if anybody was following me.

A journalist holds up a newspaper as she does a report outside a residential address in London on February 27, 2015, where Kuwaiti-born London computer programmer Mohammed Emwazi, identified by experts and the media as masked Islamic State militant “Jihadi John”, is once believed to have lived. (Credit: NIKLAS HALLE’N/AFP/Getty Images)

*

I worried about someone trying to destroy my notes, so I took pictures of each page.

As soon as I got to the hotel, I sent an encrypted message to Adam and Peter and gave them what I had so far. I also told them that I still had to meet with more sources and asked that nobody mention my name anywhere as the person who was on the ground for the Post in London.

Once I had met Emwazi’s friend, I’d have to go back to CAGE and confront them with our findings. I worried about someone trying to destroy my notes, so I took pictures of each page of my notebook and sent them to Peter and Adam.

“Did you get them?” I asked.

“Yes, but don’t worry, no one will ever be able to read your handwriting,” Adam said with a laugh.

It was clear that the Post would have to confront American and British authorities with our findings before we could publish the story. But first I hoped Emwazi’s friend would agree to meet me.

Finally, at about 8:00 p.m., I received a message on my unregistered phone from an unknown number: “Salam. I am the friend of Mohammed. I can meet you in one hour. Please come to the following address; you will be picked up from a different car then.”

So he knew I would most likely come by taxi and didn’t want anyone to know where we were going. After he sent the message, I received a call from the man I’d had tea with.

“Did the friend contact you?” he asked.

“Yes, he just did.”

“I thought since you weren’t sleeping much these days, you wouldn’t mind to meet in the evening, it’s better for him,” he said, giggling. He assured me I would be safe.

I had known this source for many years, and he had always helped me and been very particular about my safety, so I was not as nervous as I might have been about meeting someone I didn’t know alone in the middle of the night.

The place he wanted me to go to was almost an hour away by car. The address was a pub. When we got there, I double-checked it with the driver to make sure we were in the right place.

“Yes, my dear,” he said in his proper British accent. He sounded like the butler from Downton Abbey.

It was surreal to be meeting Jihadi John’s friend at a pub, even if it was just the pickup point. I’d gone through the dance of being dropped somewhere and then picked up to go somewhere else many times before, but I didn’t know what to expect this time. Could this person really be the second source I was looking for?

“Get out of the taxi, I can see you,” a new message on my phone read.

*

Why do you think he became who he has become?

After my taxi had left, a car on the opposite side of the road turned on its lights, and I saw a man in the driver’s seat winking me in.

“I am Mohammed’s friend,” he said. I recognized his voice from earlier on the phone. He was in his late twenties but asked that I not reveal any further details about him.

Before I got in, I asked him for the kunya, or fighting name, of the man who had called me earlier and who had put us in contact. I wanted to be 100 percent sure that this was the right man.

He knew the answer. I got into the car.

He said that he would prefer if we could walk a little, even though by now it was dark. He stopped in a residential area where streetlights shone into the car. When we got out, he asked for my mobile phones. I hesitated at first because I’d planned to show him the video clip of Jihadi John, but then I remembered that I had some magazine and newspaper clips in my bag with pictures of the ISIS executioner, so I switched off the phones and left them in the trunk of his car.

We started walking toward a park nearby, which was really just a small grassy area with a bench. He took a tissue from his jacket pocket and wiped the bench. By the light of a streetlamp, I showed him the clips and photographs of Jihadi John.

“Is this your friend?”

“Yes, I am very sure it’s him. It’s my friend Mohammed Emwazi.”

Then he told me the same basic story I’d heard from Asim Qureshi. I asked how he knew Jihadi John was Emwazi, or vice versa.

“There is another friend of ours, he is there as well,” the man said, and then he stopped for a moment. “When the first video came out showing him with this journalist, our friend contacted me and said I should watch it and that it was our friend Mohammed there.”

He said that parts of the video had been shown on the news and that he’d watched it again and again. He believed that the voice and the eyes were indeed Emwazi’s.

He never went to the police because he feared getting in trouble. “I recognized his voice and the eyes, but the person I saw in the video is not the Mohammed who used to be my friend.”

“Why do you think he became who he has become?”

“I don’t know what he might have seen there in Syria the last few years. Maybe this changed him.”

“But wasn’t he always interested in going to fight? Wasn’t he planning to travel to Somalia, and that’s how he got into trouble?” I asked.

“He was interested in what happened in the Muslim world, including Somalia, and he felt the West was following unfair policies and double standards,” the man told me. But he didn’t understand how his old friend could cut off the heads of journalists and aid workers. “This is very difficult for me to swallow. I am asking myself the whole time, why Mohammed?

I asked if he had a photo of his friend, but he said he didn’t. We walked back to the car, and he offered to drive me to a cabstand a bit closer to the city.

Back at the hotel, Adam, Peter, and I got on Skype, and I told them that we now had a second source: a friend of Emwazi’s who said he was Jihadi John.

“I guess we will have to contact British authorities now,” Peter said. He said he would speak to the Post’s top editors and let me know about next steps.

“I know it’s quite late where you are and it’s been a long day, but could you stay up so we can update you on what we are doing?” Peter asked.

I told him that I wouldn’t be able to sleep now anyway. The adrenaline was unbelievable. I understood that we had the name of one of the most wanted men in the world.

* * *

Excerpted from I WAS TOLD TO COME ALONE: My Journey Behind the Lines of Jihad by Souad Mekhennet, published by HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY. Copyright © 2017 by Souad Mekhennet. All rights reserved.

A High-End Mover Dishes on Truckstop Hierarchy, Rich People, and Moby Dick

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Finn Murphy| The Long Haul: A Trucker’s Tales of Life on the Road | W. W. Norton & Company | June 2017 | 22 minutes (5,883 words) 

The following is an excerpt from The Long Haul, by Finn Murphy. This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky.

* * *

I’ll take the movie stars, the ambassadors, the corporate bigwigs.

Loveland Pass, Colorado, on US Route 6 summits at 11,991 feet. That’s where I’m headed, having decided to skip the congestion at the Eisenhower Tunnel. Going up a steep grade is never as bad as going down, though negotiating thirty-five tons of tractor-trailer around the hairpin turns is a bit of a challenge. I have to use both lanes to keep my 53-foot trailer clear of the ditches on the right side and hope nobody coming down is sending a text or sightseeing.

At the top of the pass, high up in my Freightliner Columbia tractor pulling a spanking-new, fully loaded custom moving van, I reckon I can say I’m at an even 12,000 feet. When I look down, the world disappears into a miasma of fog and wind and snow, even though it’s July. The road signs are clear enough, though— the first one says runaway truck ramp 1.5 miles. Next one: speed limit 35 mph for vehicles with gross weight over 26,000 lbs. Next one: are your brakes cool and adjusted? Next one: all commercial vehicles are required to carry chains september 1—may 31. I run through the checklist in my mind. Let’s see: 1.5 miles to the runaway ramp is too far to do me any good if the worst happens, and 35 miles per hour sounds really fast. My brakes are cool, but adjusted? I hope so, but no mechanic signs off on brake adjustments in these litigious days. Chains? I have chains in my equipment compartment, required or not, but they won’t save my life sitting where they are. Besides, I figure the bad weather will last for only the first thousand feet. The practical aspects of putting on chains in a snowstorm, with no pullover spot, in pitch dark, at 12,000 feet, in a gale, and wearing only a T-shirt, is a prospect Dante never considered in enumerating his circles of hell. The other option is to keep rolling—maybe I’ll be crushed by my truck at the bottom of a scree field, maybe I won’t. I roll.

I can feel the sweat running down my arms, can feel my hands shaking, can taste the bile rising in my throat from the greasy burger I ate at the Idaho Springs Carl’s Jr. (It was the only place with truck parking.) I’ve got 8.6 miles of 6.7 percent downhill grade ahead of me that has taken more trucks and lives than I care to think about. The road surface is a mix of rain, slush, and (probably) ice. I’m one blown air hose away from oblivion, but I’m not ready to peg out in a ball of flame or take out a family in a four-wheeler coming to the Rocky Mountains to see the sights.

I downshift my thirteen-speed transmission to fifth gear, slow to 23 mph, and set my Jake brake to all eight cylinders. A Jake brake is an air-compression inhibitor that turns my engine into the primary braking system. It sounds like a machine gun beneath my feet as it works to keep 70,000 pounds of steel and rubber under control. I watch the tachometer, which tells me my engine speed, and when it redlines at 2,200 rpm I’m at 28 mph. I brush the brakes to bring her back down to 23. If it’s going to happen, it’s going to happen now. My tender touch might cause the heavy trailer to slide away and I’ll be able to read the logo in reverse legend from my mirrors. It’s called a jackknife. Once it starts, you can’t stop it. In a jackknife the trailer comes all the way around, takes both lanes, and crushes against the cab until the whole thing comes to a crashing stop at the bottom of the abyss or against the granite side of the Rockies.

It doesn’t happen, this time, but the weather’s getting worse. I hit 28 again, caress the brake back down to 23, and start the sequence again. Fondle the brake, watch the mirrors, feel the machine, check the tach, listen to the Jake, and watch the air pressure. The air gauge read 120 psi at the summit; now it reads 80. At 60 an alarm will go off, and at 40 the brakes will automatically lock or just give up. Never mind that now, just don’t go past 28 and keep coaxing her back down to 23. I’ll do this twenty or thirty times over the next half an hour, never knowing if the trailer will hit a bit of ice, the air compressor will give up, the Jake will disengage, or someone will slam on the brakes in front of me. My CB radio is on (I usually turn it off on mountain passes), and I can hear the commentary from the big-truck drivers behind me.

“Yo, Joyce Van Lines, first time in the mountains? Get the fuck off the road! I can’t make any money at fifteen miles an hour!” “Yo, Joyce, you from Connecticut? Is that in the Yewnited States? Pull into the fuckin’ runaway ramp, asshole, and let some
men drive.”

“Yo, Joyce, I can smell the mess in your pants from inside my cab.”

I’ve heard this patter many times on big-mountain roads. I’m not entirely impervious to the contempt of the freighthauling cowboys.

Toward the bottom, on the straightaway, they all pass me. There’s a Groendyke pulling gasoline, a tandem FedEx Ground, and a single Walmart. They’re all doing about 50 and sound their air horns as they pass, no doubt flipping me the bird. I’m guessing at that because I’m looking at the road. I’ll see them all later, when they’ll be completely blind to the irony that we’re all here at the same time drinking the same coffee. Somehow, I’ve cost them time and money going down the hill. It’s a macho thing. Drive the hills as fast as you can and be damn sure to humiliate any sonofabitch who’s got brains enough to respect the mountains.

My destination is the ultrarich haven called Aspen, Colorado. This makes perfect sense because I’m a long-haul mover at the pinnacle of the game, a specialist. I can make $250,000 a year doing what is called high-end executive relocation. No U-Hauls for me, thank you very much. I’ll take the movie stars, the ambassadors, the corporate bigwigs. At the office in Connecticut they call me the Great White Mover. This Aspen load, insured for $3 million, belongs to a former investment banker from a former investment bank who apparently escaped the toppled citadel with his personal loot intact. My cargo consists of a dozen or so crated modern art canvases, eight 600-pound granite gravestones of Qing Dynasty emperors, half a dozen king-size pillow-top beds I’ll never figure out how to assemble, and an assortment of Edwardian antiques. The man I’m moving, known in the trade as the shipper, has purchased a $25 million starter castle in a hypersecure Aspen subdivision. He figures, no doubt accurately, he’ll be safe behind the security booth from the impecunious widows and mendacious foreign creditors he ripped off, but I digress.

I’m looking downhill for brake lights. I can probably slow down, but there’s no chance of coming to a quick stop. If I slam on the brakes I’ll either crash through the vehicle in front of me or go over the side. I want to smoke a cigarette, but I’m so wound up I could never light it, so I bite off what’s left of my fingernails. I’m fifty-eight years old, and I’ve been doing this off and on since the late 1970s. I’ve seen too many trucks mashed on the side of the road, too many accidents, and too many spaced out-drivers. On Interstate 80 in Wyoming I watched a truck in front of me get blown over onto its side in a windstorm. He must have been empty. On I-10 in Arizona I saw a state trooper open the driver door of a car and witnessed a river of blood pour out onto the road.

The blood soaking into the pavement could be mine at any moment. All it takes is an instant of bad luck, inattention, a poor decision, equipment failure—or, most likely, someone else’s mistake.

If any of those things happen, I’m a dead man.

* * *

Bedbuggers aren’t part of the brotherhood.

Those loud but lowly freighthaulers up on Loveland Pass would have mocked any big-truck driver going downhill as slowly as I was, but I’ve no doubt they were particularly offended because I was driving a moving van. To the casual observer all trucks probably look similar, and I suppose people figure all truckers do pretty much the same job. Neither is true. There’s a strict hierarchy of drivers, depending on what they haul and how they’re paid. The most common are the freighthaulers. They’re the guys who pull box trailers with any kind of commodity inside. We movers are called bedbuggers, and our trucks are called roach coaches. Other specialties are the car haulers (parking lot attendants), flatbedders (skateboarders), animal transporters (chicken chokers), refrigerated food haulers (reefers), chemical haulers (thermos bottle holders), and hazmat haulers (suicide jockeys). Bedbuggers are shunned by other truckers. We will generally not be included in conversations around the truckstop coffee counter or in the driver’s lounge. In fact, I pointedly avoid coffee counters, when there is one, mainly because I don’t have time to waste, but also because I don’t buy into the trucker myth that most drivers espouse. I don’t wear a cowboy hat, Tony Lama snakeskin boots, or a belt buckle doing free advertising for Peterbilt or Harley-Davidson. My driving uniform is a three-button company polo shirt, lightweight black cotton pants, black sneakers, black socks, and a cloth belt. My moving uniform is a black cotton jumpsuit.

I’m not from the South and don’t talk as if I were. Most telling, and the other guys can sense this somehow, I do not for a moment think I’m a symbol of some bygone ideal of Wild West American freedom or any other half-mythic, half-menacing nugget of folk nonsense.

Putting myth and hierarchy aside, I will admit to being immensely proud of my truck-driving skills, the real freedom I do have, and the certain knowledge that I make more money in a month than many of the guys around the coffee counter make in a year. The freighthaulers all know this, of course, and that’s one reason bedbuggers aren’t part of the brotherhood. It even trickles down to waitresses and cashiers. A mover waits longer for coffee, longer in the service bays, longer for showers, longer at the fuel desk, longer everywhere in the world of trucks than the freighthauler. It’s because we’re unknown. We don’t have standard routes, so we can’t be relied on for the pie slice and the big tip every Tuesday at ten thirty. We’re OK with being outside the fellowship because we know we’re at the apex of the pyramid. In or out of the trucking world, there are very few people who have what it takes to be a long-haul mover.

A typical day may have me in a leafy suburban cul-de-sac where landscapers have trouble operating a riding lawn mower, much less a 70-foot tractor-trailer. Another day may put me in the West Village of Manhattan navigating one-way streets laid out in the eighteenth century. Long-haul movers don’t live in the rarified world of broad interstate highways with sixty-acre terminals purpose-built for large vehicles. We’ve got to know how to back up just as well blind-side as driver-side; we’ve got to know to the millimeter how close we can U-turn the rig; and we’ve really got to know that when we go in somewhere we can get out again. A mundane morning’s backup into a residence for a mover will often require more skill, finesse, and balls than most freighthaulers might call upon in a year.

Since I now work for a boutique van line doing high-end executive moves, all of my work is what we call pack and load. That means I’m responsible for the job from beginning to end. My crew and I will pack every carton and load every piece. On a full-service pack and load, the shipper will do nothing. I had one last summer that was more or less typical: The shipper was a mining executive moving from Connecticut to Vancouver. I showed up in the morning with my crew of five veteran movers; the shipper said hello, finished his coffee, loaded his family into a limousine, and left for the airport. My crew then washed the breakfast dishes and spent the next seventeen hours packing everything in the house into cartons and loading the truck. At destination, another crew unpacked all the cartons and placed everything where the shipper wanted it, including dishes and stemware back into the breakfront. We even made the beds. We’re paid to do all this, of course, and this guy’s move cost his company $60,000. That move filled up my entire trailer and included his car. It was all I could do to fit the whole load on without leaving anything behind, but I managed it. I do remember having to put a stack of pads and a couple of dollies in my sleeper, though.

How well a truck is loaded is the acid test of a mover. I can look at any driver’s load and tell at a glance if he’s any good at all.

* * *

Padding furniture with rubber bands is a working-class art form.

Drivers are always comparing themselves to other drivers and always learning new tricks from each other. Often when sitting around over coffee or beers, preferably not at a truckstop, we’ll talk loading technique into the wee hours.

The basic unit of loading a moving van is called a tier. A tier is a wall of household goods assembled inside the van. My 53-foot moving van contains 4,200 cubic feet of space. Household goods average 7 pounds a cubic foot, so my truck can hold over 30,000 pounds. A standard tier is about 2 feet deep and goes across the truck 9 feet and up to the ceiling 10 ten feet, so a tier takes up 160 cubic feet. In a fully loaded van there will be twenty-five tiers each weighing 1,100 pounds, more or less.

When I arrive at a residence to begin a move, assuming I’ve gotten into the driveway and close to the house, the first thing I’ll do is prep the residence. My crew and I will lay pads and then Masonite on any wood floors, carpets will be covered with a sticky durable film that gets rolled out, and we’ll lay out neoprene runners throughout the house. Banisters and doorways will be padded with special gripping pads. Anything in the house that might get rubbed, scratched, banged, dented, or soiled is covered. Next, we’ll go around with the shipper to see exactly what is going and what is staying. Then we’ll pack everything in the house into cartons. I don’t love packing; it’s inside work and mostly tedious. I do enjoy packing stemware, china, sculpture, and fine art, but that stuff is getting rarer in American households. Books are completely disappearing. (Remember in Fahrenheit 451 where the fireman’s wife was addicted to interactive television and they sent fireman crews out to burn books? That mission has been largely accomplished in middle-class America, and they didn’t need the firemen. The interactive electronics took care of it without the violence.)

After packing, which usually takes at least a full day on a full load, I’ll write up an inventory where I put numbered stickers on everything that’s moving and jot a short description on printed sheets. The numbers all get checked off at destination so we know everything we loaded has been delivered. The inventory includes not only a description of the item but also its condition and any marks or damage. It’s essential for me to catalog the origin condition of an item in the event a shipper files a damage claim. A lot of criticism about movers has to do with how claims are handled. Moving companies require considerable documentation before paying a claim. Do you know why? It’s because so many people file bogus claims. Lots of folks want to get the moving company to pay for a refinishing job on Aunt Tillie’s antique vanity. Guess what? The moving company doesn’t pay these types of claims, nor does some nameless insurance company. The driver pays them. Me, personally, out of pocket. My deductible is $1,600 per move. That’s one reason why I’m going to be careful with your stuff, and it’s also why I’m going to write up an accurate inventory.

After prep and packing, the crew will break down beds, unbolt legs from tabletops, and basically take anything apart that comes apart. Next we’ll bring in stacks of moving pads and large rubber bands, and cover all the furniture. Padding furniture with rubber bands is a working-class art form. The bands are made by cutting up truck tire tubes into circles. Down south I’ll often see an old black man sitting on a bench at a truckstop cutting up tubes with his knife and putting them into piles. Fifty bands go for five dollars.

Upholstered pieces like sofas will be padded and then shrinkwrapped. Nothing on any of my jobs will ever leave the residence unpadded. The whole point is to minimize the potential for damage, thereby minimizing the potential for a claim. Movers don’t like claims. We don’t like to get them, we don’t like to deal with them, and we certainly don’t like to pay them.

After all this preparation, I’ll have a very clear idea how I’m going to load my truck. Smart drivers will always load problem pieces, called chowder, first. Chowder slows you down, takes up too much room, and is usually lightweight for the amount of space it takes up. Chowder also has a greater potential to damage goods loaded around it. Obviously I wouldn’t load a leather sofa next to a barbecue grill. All drivers hate chowder, but it’s a fact of life, and how you handle it is one of the things that separate good drivers from bad. The general loading rule is chowder first, cartons last.

Now I’m ready to start loading. I’ll start my tier with base pieces like a dresser and file cabinets. On top of the base I’ll load nightstands, small desks, and maybe an air conditioner. Now the tier is about eye level, with two rows of furniture going all the way across. The next level I’ll load end tables, small bookcases, and maybe a few cartons to keep it all tight. The next level I’ll lay some dining room chairs on their backs, starting with the armchairs and then interlocking the other chairs. Any open space in the tier gets filled with chowder like wastebaskets and small, light cartons. Now the tier is about eight feet high, and I’ll be up on a ladder. The next level will be light, bulky things such as laundry hampers, cushions, and plant racks. At this point there will be a few inches open to the roof, and I’ll finish the tier with maybe an ironing board and any other flat and light stuff I can find, like bed rails. When I’m finished I should have a uniform and neat tier from floor to ceiling with no gaps or open spaces anywhere.

A well-built tier is a beautiful thing to see and lots of fun to make. It’s basically a real-life, giant Tetris game with profound physical exertion incorporated into the mix. When I’m loading I go into a sort of trance because I’m totally focused on visualizing everything in the house and mentally building tiers. This is one of the sweet spots where—as anyone who has done repetitive manual labor understands—the single-minded focus, concentration, and hard physical work combine to form a sort of temporary nirvana. Helpers who regularly work with the same driver will anticipate what piece the driver wants next before he even asks for it, and furniture will disappear into a tier the instant it’s brought out. This makes loading go very quickly, and it resembles nothing so much as an elegant, intimate dance between crew and driver. Because I have a picture of everything in the house in my head, I’ll often leave the truck to fetch a particular piece for a particular spot.

It’s hard work. On a standard loading day I’ll spend ten to fourteen hours either carrying something heavy, running laps up and down stairs to grab items, carrying furniture and cartons between the house and the trailer, and hopping up and down a double-sided stepladder building my tiers.

In addition to the mental and physical strain of packing, loading, and keeping my crew motivated, there is also the presence of the shipper. Shippers are frequently not at their best on moving day. They are, after all, leaving their home and consigning all their possessions over to strangers. Shippers can be testy, upset, suspicious, downright hostile, and occasionally pleasant and relaxed. It’s the driver’s job, in addition to loading and carrying, to make sure everything and everybody runs smoothly.

To put it all in a nutshell, the long-haul driver is responsible for legal documents, inventory, packing cartons, loading, claim prevention, unpacking, unloading, diplomacy, human resources, and customer service. The job requires an enormous amount of physical stamina, specialized knowledge, and tact. I am, as John McPhee called it, the undisputed admiral of my fleet of one.

My share of that Vancouver job came to around $30,000 for ten days’ work. I had to pay the labor, of course, and my fuel and food. Still, I netted more than $20,000. A first-year freighthauler for an outfit like Swift or Werner won’t make that in a year.

I guess that’s worth being insulted in the mountains by my brethren.

* * *

The whalemen spend several days cleaning the ship and themselves, from the bilges to the top of the mainmast.

Truckers aren’t generally travelers on their off-time. The mundane domestic things that often annoy regular people are cherished by people like me. I love cleaning my little house, even the bathroom. Straightening out my garage or sorting odd socks will have me whistling with pleasure. We also do this with our trucks. It’s a rare long-haul mover who doesn’t keep his cab and trailer pristine and completely organized. I suppose it’s a psychological reaction to the mess most of us have in our lives outside the truck.

One day not long ago, Willie had me run empty to Denver after a particularly lucrative quick turn to British Columbia. I got that one because I was the only driver in the fleet with a valid passport. I was annoyed to be deadheading fifteen hundred miles. Vancouver to Denver is the same mileage as Boston to Miami, but Boston to Miami is flat all the way. From Vancouver I get to experience the full catastrophe of American mountain driving. First is Snoqualmie Pass out of Seattle, and then there’s the great granddaddy of all hills, called Cabbage, heading east out of Pendleton, Oregon. After that there are various bumps all the way to Fort Collins, Colorado, any of which would have an East Coast driver reaching for his Valium.

After I arrived at the Joyce terminal in Erie, outside Denver, I knew why they’d sent me. Terminal is not quite the word for the Joyce facility there. It’s actually a two-acre parking lot. There’s no office or staff. It’s there to spot or drop trailers and to arrange origin or destination services for drivers coming through. When there’s action in the Denver metro area, they call me to arrange help and keep the place in order. That’s fine when I’m there, but when I’m out on the road I have to do it remotely. It’s not a problem, because I have good help in Denver. But the helpers can’t drive trailers.

When I pulled into the yard I saw there were nine trailers dropped willy-nilly, all facing in different directions. All of them, I knew, would be full of empty cartons, garbage, and unfolded moving pads. The cleanup would be a massive job that reminded me of that chapter in Moby-Dick after a whale has been caught and killed and the oil has been boiled off. The whalemen spend several days cleaning the ship and themselves, from the bilges to the top of the mainmast. Once they’re done, or sometimes in the middle of the job, they spot another whale and start the process all over again. Cleaning up a previously fully loaded trailer takes two men almost a full day. There are a couple hundred pads to fold, tape to take off, cartons to empty of paper, and trash to haul. Then it’s off to the recycling center to dump the cardboard. If I have time, I’ll hose out the trailers. It’s hard to believe how filthy trailers can get hauling household goods. Not as bad as a chicken choker, but bad enough.

I called Julio and Carlos and told them we had a week’s worth of cleanup. They weren’t thrilled. First, I’d need to put some order in the lot, which meant I had to put the trailers in a line. I started with the one hooked to my tractor. I backed it onto the property line, set the brakes, laid down a sheet of plywood, and went around to the far side and cranked the trailer landing gear onto the plywood. I’ve set trailers down on dirt before, and sometimes the landing gear sinks down a couple of feet so the trailer looks like a cat stretching itself with forepaws low and ass in the air. (You need a heavy forklift or a tow truck to get the thing high enough to slip a tractor under when that happens.) After the landing gear was down I pulled off the gladhands that hold the service and brake hoses, and disconnected the electrical cord. Then I reached under and pulled the fifth-wheel lever, releasing the kingpin. (The fifth wheel is the roundish flat metal plate on the tractor that the trailer sits on. The kingpin is the rod that sticks down from the trailer that fits into a slot on the fifth wheel and locks the apparatus together.) Next, I climbed into the cab, released the air ride bags, thereby lowering my tractor, disengaged the air brake, and slid off the trailer. Now I was a bobtail tractor looking for a trailer. I backed up to another one to the point where my fifth wheel was just under the trailer. I set my brakes and hopped out to eyeball the levels to be sure they were about even. If I was too high, my fifth wheel would bang into the trailer body and damage it. If I was too low, the kingpin would bypass the fifth wheel, and my trailer would hit the back of my tractor and damage that. If I was only a little too low or a little too high, the fifth wheel hook wouldn’t engage, so when I pulled away the trailer would drop onto the ground.

I’ve done this twice and it’s horrible. The first time was on the Post Road in Cos Cob in my early days. I didn’t check the coupling, and when I made the hard left from Cross Lane onto the main road the trailer slipped off, breaking the hoses and blocking all lanes of traffic. I’m very lucky I didn’t kill anyone. The idea of traveling down a highway and watching the trailer slide away into an oncoming lane of traffic gives me nightmares even now. Especially now. Anyhow, when I dropped that one, John Callahan came out with a forklift and an extra set of hoses. He replaced the hoses, lifted the trailer with the forklift, and had Little Al slide the tractor underneath and hook up. An operation like that takes about twenty minutes, provided you have the forklift and hoses to hand.

The second time I did it was relatively recently, when a driver dropped a trailer at residence and I was to take it away. I checked the coupling and the hook was engaged, but when I started moving I could see the trailer sliding off in my mirror. I didn’t bust the hoses that time, but I did have to spend a half hour cranking the landing gear all the way from the bottom. Nowadays I always have a flashlight with me, and once I hook up I go underneath the trailer and visually inspect the coupling. After that I set my trailer brake, put the tractor into low low gear, and engage the clutch. If the tractor doesn’t move, I’m locked in, probably. I’m never 100 percent sure until I make a turn. It’s nerve-racking.

After hooking up the next trailer, I lined it up next to mine, about a foot away. I needed to make this line tight. I did this eight more times, and I had a neat row of trailers. It took about two hours. It wasn’t real moving work, like lifting pianos up staircases, but wasn’t sipping coffee at the truckstop either. Nine times cranking up the landing gear, nine times cranking down the gear, thirty-six times into and out of the tractor, eighteen times coupling hoses, eighteen times connecting and disconnecting the gladhands, and nine times pulling fifth-wheel pins. And I hadn’t started the day’s work yet.

Since I had a whole week, I was going to wash out the trailers. I pulled the first one out of the line and opened all the doors.

* * *

Call me a sentimental old mover.

There’s a large set of double doors on the driver side and four sets of doors on the shotgun side. I parked next to the loading dock, and we tossed all the pads and cartons and garbage onto the dock. Julio had a pressure hose, and he started at the front washing out the ceiling, walls, and floor. A moving trailer has slotted sides, and you wouldn’t believe the stuff that gets in there. Food, dust, dead mice, dirt, more food, and more dust. He moved the hose down the fifty-three feet and stopped at the end with his pile of yuck. We dumped it into a dumpster, and I drove the trailer around the block to dry it off. In the Colorado summer it takes about ten minutes for a trailer to dry out. Then the pads will be folded, the equipment stowed, and the cartons flattened for recycling. While the boys did that I performed a complete trailer inspection, starting on the ground with a mechanic’s creeper to check the brake adjustments. Each trailer brake has an arm that engages the brake. The play in the arm shouldn’t be more than an eighth of an inch. If it’s too much or too little, I adjust them with a 7/16 wrench. Brake arms are touchy little buggers, and they have a tendency to lock up in cold weather. I’ve spent many an early morning underneath my trailer in the snow thawing frozen brake arms with a safety flare.

Next, I checked the trailer bubble, which is a small plastic compartment at the front of the trailer, for a current registration, current DOT inspection, and current insurance card. I took my tire wear gauge and checked the tread depth on all eight skins. I took my tire buddy, a wooden dowel with a metal handle (it makes a great weapon), and banged all the tires to check inflation. I can feel if a tire is flat or soft, and if it is, I make a note to inflate or replace it at the next truckstop. Then I checked all the doors for locks and made sure the locks were lubricated and all had the same key.

We could do two of these trailers in one long day, and I had ten to do.

I’m going into all of this in detail not just to sing my song about the work but to let shippers out there know what it entails to get a truck to your front door. If any of the things I’m checking needs attention, it’s more work, time, and money. A new tire is $400 at the truckstop and a lot more if you’re out on the Big Slab, plus hours of wasted time. A DOT inspection is $150 and at least a day if there’s nothing that needs fixing, and something always needs fixing. It costs $125 to register the trailer, $1,000 to insure it, not including cargo, and $20,000 to properly equip it. My tractor costs $3,500 to register, $10,000 to insure, and $125,000 to replace. Everything requires an army of office workers doing accounting, insurance, and federal compliance in fuel taxes, registrations, logbooks, driver certification, drug testing, and DOT physical exams. Any compliance violation results in a shutdown of the vehicle.

After I’d finished with the trailers I was going to air out the mattresses in my sleeper, wash and vacuum the tractor interior, and stock the fridge with Gatorade and water. I do all this ahead of time so I don’t get delayed getting to your job.

By Friday night I’d gotten the ten trailers and my tractor cleaned and ready. Call me a sentimental old mover, but after Carlos and Julio left at 9 p.m. it was still light out, so I cracked open a beer, unlocked each trailer, and looked inside to enjoy the handiwork. Rows and rows of clean, perfectly folded pads. Belly boxes filled with cargo bars and plywood of various widths. Equipment boxes with floor runners, straps, car tie-downs, bungee cords, shrink-wrap, door pads, and humpstraps. Each trailer was perfect, and I was ready to mess them up all over again.

I ran out of room in the lot for trailer number ten, but I was loading it the next day in Littleton for San Diego, so I parked it out on the street. That night a mini tornado howled through Erie and blew the rig over onto its side. I got a call from the state police at 11 p.m. asking if there was anybody inside. I told them no and went over to supervise the two tow trucks I hired to put the tractor-trailer back on its sneakers. I have a video of the truck being upended. It cost $2,000, and one of the tow trucks took my tractor to the shop. The whole left side had been crushed. No mirrors, no windows, no lights. The trailer doors had been sprung and the landing gear destroyed. That trailer never went back out on the road.

I got to bed at 1 a.m. and was up at 4 for the trip to Penske Truck Rental in Aurora. I arrived at 6, picked up a rental tractor, drove to Erie, hooked up another trailer, and arrived with my crew at the residence in Littleton at 8:30. As I walked up to the shipper, holding my card in my hand and a smile on my face, he looked at me and said:

“You’re late.”

* * *

Selected from The Long Haul by Finn Murphy, Copyright © 2017 by Finn Murphy. With permission of the publisher, W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. All rights reserved.

Is the Internet Changing Time?

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Laurence Scott The Four-Dimensional Human: Ways of Being in the Digital World | W. W. Norton & Company | August 2016 | 20 minutes (5,296 words) 

 

Below is an excerpt from The Four-Dimensional Human, by Laurence Scott. This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky.

* * *

Power has been wielded through the pendulum.

‘Now all the petrol has stopped and we are immobilised, at least immobilised until we get new ideas about time.’ This was how the author Elizabeth Bowen described wartime life in Ireland to Virginia Woolf, in a letter from 1941. Bowen explored some of these new ideas in her London war fiction, which is full of stopped clocks and allusions to timelessness, the petrifaction of civilian life in a bombed city. Across the literary Channel, Jean-Paul Sartre’s war trilogy, The Paths to Freedom, is, like Bowen’s Blitz work, in part a study on how time itself becomes a casualty of war. In one scene Sartre describes German troops ordering a division of captured French soldiers to adjust their watches to their captors’ hour, setting them ticking to ‘true conquerors’ time, the same time as ticked away in Danzig and Berlin. Historically power has been wielded through the pendulum, and revolutionary change has been keenly felt through murmurs in the tick and the tock of one’s inner life. King Pompilius adjusted the haywire calendar of Romulus, which had only ten months and no fidelity to season, by adding January and February. Centuries later, the Roman Senate renamed the erstwhile fifth and sixth months of the Romulan calendar to honour Julius Caesar and Augustus, thus sparing them the derangement still suffered today by those once-diligent months September–December. For twelve years, French Revolutionaries claimed time for the Republic with their own calendar of pastorally themed months, such as misty Brumaire and blooming Floréal.

The digital revolution likewise inspired a raid on the temporal status quo. In 1998, the Swatch company launched its ill-fated ‘Internet Time’, a decimalised system in which a day consists of a thousand beats. In Swatch Time, the company’s Swiss home of Biel usurps Greenwich as the meridian marker, exchanging GMT for BMT. This is a purely ceremonial conceit, however, since in this system watches are globally synchronised to eradicate time zones. A main selling point of BMT was that it would make coordinating meetings in a networked world more efficient. This ethos severs time from space, giving dawn in London the same hour as dusk in Auckland, and binding every place on earth to the cycle of the same pallid blue sun. As it turns out, we didn’t have the stomach to abandon the old minutes and hours for beats, and the Swatch Time setting that persists on some networked devices is the vestige of a botched coup. Although this particular campaign was a failure, digitisation is nonetheless demanding that we find our own ‘new ideas about time’. For as the digital’s prodigious memory allows our personal histories to be more retrievable, if not more replicable, we are finding in the civic sphere a move towards remembrance that shadows the capacity of the network to retain the past. But while time is not lost in the ways it used to be, the tendency of digital technologies to incubate and circulate a doomsday mood is making the durability of the future less certain. As a result, the four-dimensional human is developing new strategies to navigate a timeline that seems to thicken behind us and evaporate before us.

* * *

The past is making a comeback.

To begin our travels through 4D time, let’s synchronise our calendars to 23 April 2005, when Jawed Karim, the co-founder of YouTube, uploaded the first video to the site. Lasting eighteen seconds, ‘Me at the zoo’ shows Karim standing in front of the elephants’ enclosure. Noisy, home-video air rushes at you, carrying disembodied voices and miscellaneous bleats. ‘The cool thing about these guys,’ Karim says of the elephants, ‘is that they have really, really, really long . . . trunks.’ The video is banal, but given that within eighteen months the website would be receiving 65,000 new videos per day and sold to Google for $1.65 billion, hindsight endows this clip with an auspiciousness only amplified by its banality. Karim signs off his momentous piece of non-news with: ‘That’s pretty much all there is to say.’ It’s safe to assume that most of this video’s millions of views have been retrospective, a pilgrimage to the cradle of a phenomenon, and so these words are as dramatically ironic as you can get. For this reason, it’s hard now not to see a time traveller’s knowingness in Karim’s eyes as he stares back at you, a glint from the explosion that was to come. In this video the future comes kerchinging into the past, as it would if someone had filmed J. K. Rowling rolling up her sleeves at the Elephant House coffee shop in Edinburgh and writing on a napkin: ‘Mr and Mrs Dursley, of number four, Privet Drive, were proud to say that they were perfectly normal, thank you very much.’ In the pause before Karim announces the really long thing that elephants possess, I expected him to wrong-foot me not with trunks but with memory. The powerful recall of elephants is both myth and scientific fact. Aged elephant matriarchs, in particular, are able to recognise long-unseen faces, as well as reacting to present dangers by invoking successful tactics from the past. It’s therefore apt that elephants were present at the birth of YouTube, since the website has become a vast repository of memories.

I should say at the outset that YouTube isn’t only a gateway to retrospection. It skims the surface of the moment, catching the very latest of our shared interests and concerns: street footage of political unrest around the world, insurgence, injustice, potent speeches, confessions, showbiz gaffes, civilian charm and civilian embarrassment. It is also instructional, showing you how to master a bow tie or rewire a light socket. I’ve known doctors who will go on YouTube while a patient is being prepped for surgery, just to get a quick refresher course on certain procedures; although that is something I try to forget. But another of YouTube ’s executive roles is archivist of celluloid history. With the steady industry of uploading vintage television, films and even adverts – who are all these kindly gnomes, mining the old times in this way? – the past is making a comeback. There is some fluctuation, as the copyright police enforce their purges. Before the big bosses fully understood the scale of YouTube, you could watch entire television series that were still bringing in hefty syndication fees elsewhere. However, the exponential expansion of YouTube’s catalogue has overtaken such clampdowns in terms of sheer bulk. It even thinks of itself as time’s warehouse. As I write, YouTube ’s own statistics page estimates that a hundred hours of video are uploaded per minute. At that rate, over sixteen years of content are added to the archive each day. Its Content ID system, which cross-references uploads with a database of copy-righted material, ‘scans over 400 years of video every day’ to check for infringements. While you won’t get far looking for unsullied bootleg Friends, older, long-lost pals are gathering there to stoke your nostalgia. A 1980s childhood, for instance, is currently being resurrected on YouTube.

The resurrection is occurring piecemeal. I remember when the world was young and YouTube was sparsely furnished. In the early days, around 2006 and 2007, I would check it now and then, to no avail, for The Box of Delights, a BBC Christmas miniseries I’d seen just once at the age of about five or six. Only two scraps of detail remained in my mind. The first: a real old man on a real pony trotting inside a painting, the duo becoming painted themselves and disappearing around a mountain path; the second: an old woman scolding someone. ‘Your wolves are frightening my unicorns!’ For years, whenever these two memories would come to me, one after the other, the thick fumes smoking off them would give, in comparison, an exquisite emptiness to the present. Theirs was the heyday of my capacity for magic, no doubt enlarged by the time of year, when my secular schoolboy head was restocked with stars and donkeys and little babies up in the bright sky. Not being able to remember anything of the room I was in when I watched The Box of Delights, I tended to absorb these two rootless memories into a more vivid atmosphere from a few years later: a Sunday evening in the acreage of my favourite childhood living room, The Chronicles of Narnia piping away on the television, my mother nearby, reupholstering a rocking chair. To borrow from Amazon, ‘Customers who think of The Box of Delights also think of The Chronicles of Narnia.’ But then, one day recently, my call down the well was answered with more than an echo. A YouTube search replied with six uncanny little stills, my trained eyes knowing at once from their ample durations that they represented intact fossils.

The opening scenes of Episode One used the familiar tropes from this English Yuletide genre: a steam train chugging through a faded winter’s landscape, boarding-school homecomings, boys’ acting voices all posh and reedy, plucked harp-strings denoting the supernatural, trumpets denoting supernatural majesty. How quickly tedium set in. I was impatient, not for what I had forgotten, but for what I could half remember. I began to skip the story along, looking for the old man and the painting. When I found him I did feel a frisson of recognition, but the overwhelming sensation was of estrangement from that potent atmosphere of my memory. Still hopeful, I went chasing after the old woman, tracking her from episode to episode across that flip book of frames that one riffles above the time bar. Everyone knows by now that you can never go back, so I’m not sure why I needed to live out this anticlimax. YouTube is especially insistent on the other-country quality of the past because it makes you view the past literally through the prism of the present. Loading up Episode Five, its title ‘Beware of Yesterday’ being on-trend, I continued my hot pursuit of the elegant old sorceress, with a semi-transparent banner for ‘Accountants & Taxation’ obscuring the lower strip of the screen. My nostalgia thus imprinted with the Google-search incarnation of my current woes, I discovered eventually that I had got the line wrong anyway: ‘Keep your lions away from my unicorns,’ the old woman warns Herne the Hunter as they course through the sky on sleighs drawn by their respective takes on flying reindeer.

* * *

Fragments of the past are for the first time on tap, not stored away in boxes.

In the film version of Shirley Valentine, Shirley fulfills a fantasy of sitting at a table by the shore of a Greek island, drinking wine and watching the sunset. In the daydream she knew exactly how it would be. However, she admits, ‘Now I’m here it doesn’t feel a bit like that. I don’t feel at all lovely and serene, I feel pretty daft, actually. And awfully, awfully old.’ The future, when it comes, can make fools of us in this way, but equally so can the past.

I’m able now to think of a cartoon that impressed me as a child and within seconds be fairly sure of finding at least snippets of it on YouTube, or perhaps dubbed into other languages, so that my dear Super Ted has apparently learnt Swedish in the time we’ve been apart, and the Thundercats now roar in Italian. As I learnt from The Box of Delights, a snippet is often enough; a blast is all we really need from the past. For all its power, nostalgia is strangely lazy, and memory lane runs on a downhill slope. Had I wanted to, I could have tracked down my after-school companions, ordering DVDs online and assembling a retrospective, but those lost feelings were never quite worth the bother. Now, however, these fragments of the past are for the first time on tap, not stored away in boxes. Not since storybooks dominated childhood life have we been able to challenge the nostalgia for our earliest days by satisfying it so relentlessly. Although for decades we’ve had the ability to rove through the old times through song, in the first years we don’t develop the self-conscious soundtrack to our lives that encases teenage terror and ecstasy in amber. Opening theme sequences were among the first messages that my generation sent out to greet our future selves with a pang, coming at us as they did, day in, day out, as we rolled around on the carpet. What’s more, YouTube can move almost as quickly as our leaps from memory to memory, so that we can curate an external exhibition of our reminiscences.

About a century ago, Marcel Proust thought it necessary to write five pages on the experience of biting into a piece of cake, and this moment has come to symbolise a certain type of remembrance that results unexpectedly from a sensory trigger. The narrator of In Search of Lost Time, also named Marcel, is given tea and the now-notorious scalloped French cake called a madeleine, the taste of which summons up a whirl of images from his childhood. Marcel describes how

in that moment all the flowers in our garden and in M. Swann’s park, and the water-lilies on the Vivonne and the good folk of the village and their little dwellings and the parish church and the whole of Combray and its surroundings, taking shape and solidity, sprang into being.

With YouTube ’s enveloping of the past, it’s as though I suddenly have a YO! Sushi-style conveyor belt of evocative confections running around the walls of my home, with slices of Battenberg, Mr Kipling’s Six Rich Chocolate Slices, a melting Viennetta, my nursery school’s apple crumble, Penguin bars and the rest, all gliding past for my sampling. However, Proust’s point about the madeleine was that its effects were unplanned; the taste of it provoked a mémoire involontaire. So many of our past-blasts now are not only voluntary but wilful. Marcel realises that merely seeing the madeleine had not provoked his memory because although he hadn’t eaten one in years, he had seen them regularly, ‘on the trays in pastry-cooks’ windows’. And so, ‘their image had dissociated itself from those Combray days to take its place among others more recent’.

With this ever-present quality of our digitised pasts, do we leave ourselves the space in which time can be lost and then surprisingly recovered? We remember those shady dolls tottering about in stop-motion partly because we assumed that they were gone for ever. Certainly for people much younger than me, the cultural past has never fully left, artefacts from the old days never totally irrevocable. In Philip Roth’s American Pastoral, the narrator Nathaniel Zuckerman describes the uncanniness of attending a forty-five-year high-school reunion in 1995, just as the early web was being spun. Classmates laugh and scream as they try to dig each other’s young faces out of sixty-something landslides. Nathaniel begins to view the whole thing as a joke, ‘as though “1995” were merely the futuristic theme of a senior prom that we’d all come to in humorous papier-mâché masks of ourselves as we might look at the close of the twentieth century’. Thanks to Facebook, those classmates are now coming with us, and we ’ll watch them age in instalments. Reunions of the future will lack some of the explosiveness of Roth’s ball, where ‘time had been invented for the mystification of no one but us’. Instead they may be more like animated and hopefully more tender versions of the subdued, retro mingling that goes on in social-media newsfeeds. In the scramble of Facebook migration, many old faces from my school and university days that would once have been lost in time have stowed aboard. True to life, we never interact, but I keep them there almost superstitiously, and they pop up now and then in the trench of my time-wasting to advertise the latest increment of their aging. Even my old friend The Box of Delights, I notice, has a Facebook page.

YouTube ’s memory for your private passions is another way in which a version of yourself becomes solidified online. Lipstick on your sidebar told a tale on you. I would blush if someone who didn’t know me well logged onto my YouTube account and saw the rogue’s gallery of suggested videos, where Bea Arthur huddles next to Lion-O, both of them cold-shouldering Dogtanian. But it is not only the private past that is being regained; we are also in a period where the scope of public remembrance is being redrawn.

* * *

Trading in a currency that remembers everything that ever happened to it.

The computer scientist and cyber-philosopher Jaron Lanier, who coined the term ‘virtual reality’ and who has written with both optimism and despair about the trajectory of the internet, believes that digitisation’s prodigious memory will be key to a sustainable global economy based primarily on exchanges of information. In Who Owns The Future?, he outlines a possible world in which data is the central commodity and all of us are properly remunerated for our contributions, conscious or involuntary, to the profitable crunching undertaken in Big Data’s storehouses. A simple example is that if you and your spouse meet on an online dating site and eventually get married, then you will receive a ‘micropayment’ every time two other people in the future are successfully matched up based on algorithms of compatibility to which your own happy coupling contributed. Lanier argues that since the data you provide – interests, profession, goals, politics – continually refine and improve the dating site’s ability to pair people, then you should own a share in the efficiency that your information nurtured. In this system, our digital pasts, archived across the network as data, resemble an actor’s filmography or an author’s back catalogue, an ongoing source of royalties. Such a model echoes Airbnb’s desire for everyone to ‘build a history’ online. Here the past is privileged in the way of all valuable things, as unforgettable as any personal treasure. Lanier’s design proposes an economy of remembering, whereby not even the smallest link in a lucrative data chain is forgotten. There is zero tolerance of structural amnesia in this system. As Lanier remarks, ‘Cash unfortunately forgets too much for an information economy.’

Lanier’s vision for how we will earn in the future seeks to make the most of digital memory. Even if we have yet to reach Lanier’s world of micropayments, we know by now that digitisation is making the past accessible and retrievable in unprecedented ways. We’re aware of the potential indelibility of our own digital traces, how this fourth dimension tattoos us as we move through it, and indeed how we mark it in turn, how its surfaces are more impressed with handprints than the Hollywood Walk of Fame. Every pathway in the network is a miniature memory lane, and as a result we see ongoing legal debates about ‘the right to be forgotten’, which in the case of online life includes the right to make Google uncouple you from your past. This right states that we aren’t obliged to be permanently associated with everything that a Google search of our name could dredge up, such as compromising or distressing photographs. If digital life remembers more than we would like, then at least, according to Lanier, we should be compensated. But what are the implications of trading in a currency that remembers everything that ever happened to it – every journey it has taken around the world, every palm, every pocket? An image of money arises that is as well documented as we are, with every handshake instagrammed, every transaction memorialised in a status update: ‘Looking forward to making these much-needed luxury flats happen! – with Smiling Corporate Sponsor at Unprofitable Hospital.’ In the early months of 2011, two events, which differed greatly in terms of global significance, both gave a preview of what life might be like in a digital world where money comes with a history. The first event was the disgrace of fashion designer John Galliano; the second was the West’s reaction to the Libyan War that would ultimately depose Muammar Gaddafi. Setting these two cases together is ridiculous in all ways but one, for they both uncovered the shadow-side of our connectivity, and how the insistence of the past in our digitised present will increasingly demand a new sort of morality.

* * *

Whereby ‘one can’t transfer short-term memory to long-term memory.’

In February 2011, a video appeared of John Galliano sitting outside La Perle cafe in Paris, in an obvious state of addicted unwellness. From experience I know that La Perle is a place where it helps to have all your faculties. I once met a young man there who, when Yves St Laurent died, was so upset that he skipped work by saying his father had just had a heart attack. People take fashion seriously at La Perle, which perhaps gives it its air of impending violence. Colonising the corner of rue Vieille du Temple and rue de la Perle in the Marais, it consists of two lengths of pavement supplied with drinks from a small bar area stripped of all possible comforts, and grows throughout the evening into a fuming billow of scarves and immaculate lips and biker jackets. The fear in a place like that of being slighted by someone cooler than you reached a deranged apotheosis when Galliano, holding drunken, slurring court, professed his love for Hitler and told some off-screen interlocutors that ‘people like you would be dead today’.

The scene, which happened in late 2010, was not allowed simply to occur and then lapse into the wake of the past. The digital trace, like a mischievous god, was present. Someone was filming Galliano, and the video went viral. Because of this footage and another similar incident that was reported to the police in February 2011, Galliano was fired as head designer at Christian Dior, and Natalie Portman, at that time the face of the perfume Miss Dior Chérie, said in a press release: ‘I will not be associated with Mr Galliano in any way.’ This is in one sense a strange thing for Portman to say, since disassociation was always the point of her contract with Dior. She was employed to be associated with little else but glamour, and certainly not with anything that had preceded the photographer flashing a camera in her face: sales reports, profit projections, target markets, campaign strategies, all those un-chic, self-interested commercial processes. Part of Portman’s job was to obscure this history of the product. Arguably the luxury industry’s most hackneyed adjective is ‘timeless’, and in one of the posters for the eau de toilette Portman strikes an ahistorical pose of feminine allure. She folds her naked breasts in her arms and regards a world of consumers over her shoulder with that look that is the only look available to her in such a context: lips three millimetres apart and irises slid to one side so that the eyes become two semi-eclipsed moons. It is the look of Girl with a Pearl Earring, but with the added ocular intensity of someone desperate to sell you something. But after Galliano’s breakdown, time could no longer be forgotten. The spell was broken. Suddenly, this timelessness that Portman was hawking was undone by a particularly grim history of imbalance, addiction and dependency.


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Two years later, in his first television interview since the scandal, Galliano told American journalist Charlie Rose that he couldn’t remember the scene outside La Perle. He said that in those days he was a ‘blackout drinker’, whereby ‘one can’t transfer short-term memory to long-term memory’. So, while for Portman, as well as all those entranced by the timeless glamour of Dior, Galliano’s tirade was a violent moment of remembering, for Galliano it was the opposite. And yet, ironically, he also figures the scene as a sort of rupture through which the ugliness of his own past comes rushing. By the time of his interview with Rose, his rehabilitation to that point had led him to surmise that the Hitler speech was in part a resurfacing of ‘frustrations from childhood . . . being persecuted, bullied, called all sorts of names’. In the oblivion of his drunkenness, he believes, an old self-defence mechanism was triggered, and it was as though he was speaking words from the past. Growing up in a diverse population of newly arrived immigrants in South London, Galliano says, ‘I would have heard those kind of taunts.’ Besides the depressing personal circumstances of Galliano’s outburst, this scene outside La Perle can also be viewed as a pantomime account of what can happen when the history of financial relationships is exposed, when time comes to commerce. A relevant Marxian term here is reification, the process that makes life seem primarily organised around relationships between commodities, the things we exchange in the marketplace, rather than the people behind these commodities and their relationships to one another. Reification therefore makes us think about ‘labour’, ‘wages’, ‘food’, ‘lodgings’ as being the components of this economy, rather than me working for you, and you working for him, who used to work for her, who rents from them. As a result, the relationships between all the people involved in this network of exchange, including the histories of each person, are forgotten. Reification is thus the opposite of Lanier’s economy of remembrance, which is based on digitisation’s humane ability to personalise the commodities in the marketplace, to keep them anchored to the real people who made them possible.

To put it mildly, there is room for a certain impersonal brutality to sneak into a system in which people are forgotten. One of the ways reification happens is that such an economy of ‘things’ is made alluring, giving all of us involved beautiful dreams and aspirations to make us forget the often unjust relationships between people in the network of production. Isobel Armstrong, in her book The Radical Aesthetic, refers to ‘a scene of seduction in which the fierceness of power and the brutality of capital can be disguised’. Galliano famously said, ‘My role is to seduce,’ and his strategy often involves the moony mystery of seducers such as Portman.

But in my pantomime version of the Dior scandal, Portman has been caught out, mid-seduction, by a bursting-forth of the ugly realities that her performance is designed to conceal. The public violence of Galliano’s outburst jolts the system from its amnesia, and the world is made to remember his financial relationship with Portman, their positions as individuals in a corporate structure. Understandably, Portman can’t tolerate this association. For his part, Galliano in the amateur video personifies impersonal fierceness and brutality. Recall that in his account of the event, the words he spoke had no conscious owner. In black coat, black cap and black, groomed moustache he arrives into Portman’s career like Mephistopheles. He unconsciously functions in this crude spectacle as a pantomime avatar of a reified notion of capitalist ideology: fascist, indifferent and cruel. He is the obscene genius who refuses to remain offstage, the disguiser who insists on revealing himself, and whose appearance causes a breach in the fetishised image of Portman, a fissure through which history and memory comes flowing. As a cracked commodity, she can no longer maintain the coherent illusion she was paid to enact, to play her role as the self-contained object of timeless desire and aspiration.

* * *

Digitisation, by strapping our pasts to our backs, is demanding a new kind of virtue.

That week in 2011, the broken home of Dior was like the Shakespearean subplot, microcosmic and thematically resonant, to a larger drama. It was a period in which time was regained and the past made vivid by violence. Within a few days of Galliano being fired from Dior, the economist Howard Davies resigned as director of the London School of Economics, over accepted donations from the Gaddafi family and his role as envoy to Libya. The Canadian singer Nelly Furtado, someone with whom Howard Davies is not normally associated, also atoned that week for her connections to Gaddafi. On Twitter she admitted to receiving a million dollars from the ‘Qaddafi clan’ four years previously, for a forty-five-minute private show in an Italian hotel. Furtado, along with fellow musicians Mariah Carey and Usher, offloaded the proceeds from these gigs into the absolving hands of charity. Donating a million dollars is the rock-star equivalent of clearing your history, but just as we are warned about the persistence of our digital traces, such erasure is never total.

The challenge to overthrow Gaddafi meant that the past lives of money, once so easily elided by the flow of capital, was remembered. As with Galliano, the dictator’s death stimulated an undoing of reification such that the relations between people rather than between commodities were restored to public consciousness, exposing the inevitable compromises made in the accumulation of disproportionate amounts of capital. The music world’s gestures of atonement certainly reflected the scale and pressures of the Libyan Civil War, but the extrapolation of their logic has interesting implications for the entire capitalist model. That is to ask, should we only sell our services to the virtuous, thereby excluding the immoral from any sort of economy of exchange? Would a waiter, if the dubious pasts of his diners were revealed, be obliged to donate his tips? What are the consequences of never forgetting? The Libyan uprising produced a rupture in the circuitry of capital that forced us to personalise and interrogate institutional systems, to examine the faces on our banknotes for signs of wrongdoing. Digital life’s remembrance culture suits this interrogation. We are back again with Lanier’s micropayments. In a digital information economy, where money’s history must be remembered and the past is retained as an asset in the present, then there may be fees to pay as well as dividends to receive.

The idea of money having a biography is emblematic of a digital age because it emphasises our own connectivity and the ways that our paths intertwine. The fall of Gaddafi caused ripples of wickedry through the hive. It will become increasingly necessary to sever old ties in a digital world where those links can easily be traced. There has always been dirty money and political distancing, but a culture of remembrance will emphasise both. In this sense digitisation, by strapping our pasts to our backs, is demanding a new kind of virtue. It obliges us to exert in the civic sphere the same kind of mnemonic rigour as our networked machines. In the UK, Australia and the US, there has been in the last few years a wave of sexual-abuse allegations directed at high-profile male actors and entertainers, which has arisen from a complex set of conditions. The cultural and juridical shift towards believing rather than shaming victims, as well as a transferral of stigmatisation from victim to perpetrator, hasn’t come from our proximity to capacious digital memory. We certainly didn’t need digital technologies to expose Jimmy Savile’s crimes; indeed, the approach was fittingly low-tech. Daniel Boffey of the Guardian notes how the head of the official investigation, Janet Smith, ‘used a similar methodology to that employed during the [Harold] Shipman inquiry’ fourteen years previously. Smith’s team ‘sent letters’ to present and former BBC employees, asking them to recall relevant information. But this scandal and the other cases that have arisen more or less concurrently signify something besides a long-overdue opportunity for justice. They corroborate a broader cultural mood that feels the proximity of the past, its accessibility, a sense that it has been preserved for our moral re-evaluations. These years are thus characterised by a fervent recollection, such that lost histories are unveiled and the present becomes infused with history.

* * *

Reprinted from The Four-Dimensional Human by Laurence Scott. Copyright © 2015 by Laurence Scott. With permission of the publisher, W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. All rights reserved.

We Should Be Talking About the Effect of Climate Change on Cities

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Ashley Dawson | Extreme Cities: The Peril and Promise of Urban Life in the Age of Climate Change | Verso | October 2017 | 17 minutes (4,461 words) 

This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky.

* * *

An utter transformation of human habitation across the globe within one generation.

Milestones on the road toward climate chaos are all too frequent these days: in 2015, the Manua Loa Observatory in Hawaii reported that the daily mean concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere had surpassed 400 parts per million (ppm) for the first time; each year Arctic sea ice levels grow lower and lower; permafrost in areas like Siberia and Alaska is melting, releasing dangerous quantities of methane into the atmosphere; and each year brings more violent storms and more severe droughts to different parts of the world. Indeed, news of apocalyptic climate-related events is so manifold that it can feel overwhelming, producing a kind of disaster fatigue. One recent announcement merits particular attention, however: in the summer of 2014, a team of NASA scientists announced conclusive evidence that the retreat of ice in the Amundsen Sea sector of West Antarctica had become unstoppable. This melting alone, they concluded, will drive global sea levels up by over 1 meter (3 feet). As the Pine Island, Thwaites, and other glaciers of the Amundsen Sea sector collapse into the ocean, the effect is expected to be like a cork removed from a bottle of champagne: the ice the glaciers held back will rush rapidly into the sea, and the entire West Antarctic ice sheet will collapse. Sea levels will consequently rise 3 to 5 meters (10–16 feet). In addition, it was recently discovered that the same process that is driving this collapse, the intrusion of warmer ocean water beneath the glaciers in West Antarctica, is also eroding key glaciers in East Antarctica. The East Antarctic ice sheet contains even more ice than the western sheet: the Totten glacier alone would account for 7 meters (23 feet) of sea level rise. As if this weren’t bad enough news, a similar process of melting is also taking place in Greenland, where fjords that penetrate far inland are carrying warm water deep underneath the ice sheet.

These reports overturn long-held assumptions about the stability of Greenland’s glaciers: until recently, scientists had predicted that Greenland’s ice sheet would stabilize once the glaciers close to the warming ocean had melted. The discovery of ice-bound fjords reaching almost sixty-five miles inland has major implications since the glacier melt will be much more substantial than anticipated. The Antarctic and Greenland ice sheets combined contain over 99 percent of the Earth’s glacial ice. If they were to melt completely, they would raise global sea levels a virtually inconceivable 65 meters (200 feet). Although it remains unclear exactly how long the disintegration of these ice sheets will take, the implications of such melting for the world’s coastal cities are stark, and still almost totally unacknowledged by the general public. As Robert DeConto, co-author of a recent study that predicts significantly faster melt rates in the world’s largest glaciers, points out, we’re already struggling with 3 millimeters per year of sea level rise, but if the polar ice sheets collapse, “We’re talking about centimeters per year. That’s really tough. At that point your engineering can’t keep up; you’re down to demolition and rebuilding.”

Shockingly, few orthodox scientific predictions of sea level rise have taken the disintegration of the Antarctic and Greenland ice sheets into consideration. The latest report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), for example, projects a high of three feet of sea level rise by 2100, but this prediction does not include a significant contribution from the West Antarctic ice sheet. Like the IPCC’s projection for Arctic sea ice collapse, which has moved up from 2100 to 2050 in the latest report, this prediction is clearly far too low. What explains such gross miscalculations? The protocols of scientific verifiability provide a partial explanation. The general public has urgently wanted to know, after city-wrecking hurricanes like Katrina and Sandy, whether the devastation was caused by climate change. But unfortunately scientists have until quite recently been unable to make direct links between particular extreme weather events and climate change in general. This, as environmental philosopher Dale Jamieson puts it in Reason in a Dark Time, would be like saying that a specific home run is “caused” by a baseball player’s batting average. If scientists are becoming less reticent to make these links, as the science of attribution grows more sophisticated and able to track the causes of weather extremes, the change is still occurring slowly.

Nevertheless, the IPCC’s failure to account for the destruction of the Antarctic and Greenland ice sheets can only add to skepticism toward their predictions, especially after they were widely attacked for their 2007 calculations about the speed of Himalayan glacial melting. Further fueled by the climate change denial industry, the IPCC’s own excessively rosy predictions for the future will only increase skepticism. In their 2000 report, for example, the body assumes that nearly 60 percent of hoped-for emissions reductions will occur independently of explicit mitigation measures. As the urban theorist Mike Davis has pointed out, the IPCC’s mitigation targets assume that profits from fossil capitalism will be recycled into green technology rather than penthouse suites in soaring skyscrapers. The IPCC projects a market-driven evolution toward a post-carbon economy, a set of assumptions that, as spiraling levels of greenhouse gas emissions since 2000 demonstrate all too clearly, are dead wrong. These projections concerning sea level rise and the vulnerability of coastal cities will have to be radically revised, especially after spectacular urban disasters hammer home the inadequacy of current projections. But these world-changing transformations will not take place in the distant future. Citing evidence drawn from the last major ice melt during the Eemian period, an interglacial phase about 120,000 years ago that was less than 1ºC warmer than it is today, climatologist James Hansen predicts that, absent a sharp and enduring reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, global sea levels are “likely to increase several meters over a timescale of 50 to 150 years.” Should they prove accurate, Hansen’s forecasts spell an utter transformation of human habitation across the globe within one generation.

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A feckless, hedonistic binge to end all binges.

The IPCC’s lowball predictions are of a piece with one of the key ethical dilemmas of the Anthropocene Age, the era of human dominance over the planetary environment. Despite the increasingly destructive impacts of climate change around the planet, both cause and effect, and perpetrator and victim, are extremely difficult to pinpoint, either in time or space. Climate change is the ultimate form of slow violence. This has made it difficult to identify who should be responsible, and has led to political paralysis. As the philosopher Stephen Gardiner argues in A Perfect Moral Storm, three structural asymmetries create the present cul-de-sac. Around the globe, the hyperwealthy 1 percent are engaged in a feckless, hedonistic binge to end all binges, their systematic consumption obliterating the prospects of the poor, nature, and future generations. While they loot the planet, the rich live in well-protected penthouses and suburban garrisons, assiduously averting their eyes from the global majority, the swiftly deteriorating natural world, and the future they are so heedlessly obliterating. At present there is no way for future generations to interrupt the orgies of the rich, no way for the natural world to assert its rights, and slender chance for the victims of climate chaos to overthrow the tyranny of the 1 percent.

Disasters like Hurricane Sandy make us realize that we are victims of modernity’s technological accomplishments, but we find ourselves unable to halt the headlong rush toward disaster that our cities catalyze. Theorists of disaster have come up with various ways of making sense of this condition. Writing of Americans’ reactions during the Cold War to the possibility of total annihilation in nuclear warfare, the psychiatrist Robert J. Lifton describes a condition of psychic numbing into which people retreat when confronted with the threat of extinction, a psychological state of disavowal that helps make sense of contemporary reactions to a future of anthropogenic climate disruption. Building on this analysis, sociologist Kari Marie Norgaard has written of the social organization of denial that takes place in affluent countries such as Norway and the United States, where the majority of the population not only are not yet adversely affected by climate change but may be said to benefit from the continuing consumption of fossil fuels that imperils not just the future but increasingly wide portions of the planet at present. Similarly, the critical theorist and professional provocateur Slavoj Žižek argues that our responses to looming Armageddon are shaped by forms of collective denial, despair, and withdrawal.

Epic Flooding Inundates Houston After Hurricane Harvey

Houston. Photo: Getty Images.

Both pop culture and everyday life have become saturated by what might be called “catastrophic affect”—a visceral feeling that we are not just headed toward civilizational collapse but are already in the midst of it. The result has been a fascination with apocalypse, sometimes related to the overarching crisis of climate change, and sometimes of a more imaginative variety: ubiquitous zombies, global pandemics, tidal waves, flash freezes, famines. These provide people with an experience of climate catharsis, an ability to live out fearful fantasies of apocalyptic environmental and social breakdown, while also being soothed by what frequently double as thinly disguised settler-colonial jeremiads where strong white male protagonists lead a rag-tag group of survivors as they seek to reconstruct a purged social order. Contrasting with these sensational and utterly reactionary stories, photographers such as Subhankar Banerjee create ghostly aerial images of the shifting migration routes taken by caribou in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge as the tundra melts under them, while James Balog documents the hasty retreat of the globe’s glaciers in sublime but unnerving time-lapse images. Yet all create images that challenge any notion that history progresses linearly, suggesting instead a present and future that is fragmented, incoherent, punctuated by disaster and, increasingly, apocalyptic.

* * *

Two great tides are converging on the world’s cities.

Christian Parenti begins his book Tropic of Chaos with a description of the body of a man named Ekaru Loruman. Loruman was a pastoralist from the Turkana tribe of northwestern Kenya, a man who tended cattle in the arid savannas of the Rift Valley. According to Parenti, he was killed during a cattle raid launched by members of the neighboring Pokot tribe, into whose territory the Turkana had ventured as their traditional grazing grounds were decimated by severe drought. Parenti uses Loruman’s death to engage in what he calls “climate war forensics,” an inquiry into the large geopolitical and climatological forces that lie behind the proximate causes of Loruman’s killing. For Parenti, the formerly colonial countries that lie within the global-spanning tropical zone are increasingly subject to a convergence of three factors: enduring civil strife that is the legacy of the proxy wars of the Cold War era; hollowed out and largely powerless state apparatuses produced by decades of neoliberal austerity programs in the global South; and anthropogenic climate change, which places increased stress on already over-taxed environmental resources such as the grazing grounds of the Turkana and Pokot peoples in the Rift Valley. The World Health Organization calls such overlapping crises “complex emergencies.” Climate change causes extreme weather conditions such as droughts that accelerate complex emergencies throughout the zone that Parenti calls the “tropics of chaos.”

Parenti tells us that Ekaru Loruman had three wives and eight children. He does not explain what happened to these women and children after Loruman’s death. Perhaps they struggled to keep Loruman’s remaining cattle alive in the face of hostile environmental and social conditions. Certainly they would have turned to fellow tribesmen and women for help, but given the conditions described by Parenti it seems unlikely that they would find easy sanctuary in a stable family of kinsmen and women. Perhaps Loruman’s wives and children would eventually have followed the footsteps of the millions driven off the land every year around the world. Abandoning Loruman’s bitterly contested and arid land, his wives and children might have sought refuge in a nearby town or city. There they would have expected to find higher standards of living and more peaceful existence, but they would also face yet another convergence, equally fearsome as the one Parenti described, a conjuncture with even greater significance for the future of humanity and life on Earth in general: the collision of an urbanizing humanity and the increasingly extreme forms of weather unleashed by climate change.

Two great tides are converging on the world’s cities, generating an unprecedented urban climax. The first of these is a human tide. In 2007, humanity became a predominantly city-dwelling species. Of the approximately 7 billion humans current living, 3.3 billion live in cities. But if the human condition is now an urban one, this urban humanity is not spread evenly across the world’s cities. Although urbanists in the global North often regard urbanization through the lens of city-building processes in Europe and North America over the last two centuries, most of today’s urban population lives in the developing world, where the vast majority of urban population growth will take place. These city-dwellers are to a significant extent refugees from policies of agricultural deregulation and financial liberalization. Enforced by tools of the developed world’s financial hegemony such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, these policies of economic austerity pushed millions of peasants off the land and into slums in the rapidly growing but largely deindustrialized urban conglomerations of the global South during the last half-century. This bitter harvest of the worldwide agrarian crisis has been one of the largest transformations in human history. The neoliberal world order has essentially been a machine generating forms of extreme urbanization rooted in inequality. In the cities of the global South, one third to a half of the urban population lives in informal settlements. Residents of these unplanned zones face highly difficult conditions in their struggle to survive. As Mike Davis puts it, “Instead of cities of light soaring toward heaven, much of the twenty-first century urban world squats in squalor, surrounded by pollution, excrement, and decay.” Davis has been criticized for the hyperbolic tenor of his description of the neoliberal “planet of slums,” and somewhat unjustly has been charged with ignoring the everyday forms of human solidarity that knit together even the poorest informal settlements. Nonetheless, his account captures the radical challenges occasioned by this fundamental transformation in the human condition (even if he fails to discuss climate change at length).

US-WEATHER-STORM-HARVEY

Houston. Photo: Getty Images

The hazardous nature of what Davis calls slum ecology is a key element of contemporary urbanization. The only land available to the poor tends to be located in the most disaster-prone precincts of cities, on terrain that has not been developed because of the natural perils—from landslides to floods—that make it unsuitable for elite habitation. Often urban squatters live in the midst of toxic landfills or industrial waste dumps, on the verges of railways and electricity lines, or in low-lying, floodprone land. Their vulnerability to environmental disasters is an extension of the harsh social calculus that drives them to live in dangerous sites. In addition, simply by living in these places, the poor generate conditions that threaten their own lives, including what Davis calls an “excremental surplus.” Since few slums have functional sanitary infrastructure, illnesses related to water supply, waste disposal, and garbage kill thousands of people around the world every day. This lack of infrastructure is, in many cases, a legacy of colonialism, when European settlers viewed the colonized as inherently unworthy of living in cities, and consequently systematically denied the amenities of modernity to urban neighborhoods where the indigenous lived. The wretched legacy of this colonial infrastructural has been intensified rather than ameliorated in recent decades by the moves of international financial institutions such as the World Bank to privatize sewage systems and water treatment plants in the cities of the global South.

Exacerbating this hazardous slum ecology, the vast majority of the world’s city dwellers lie directly in the path of increasingly extreme forms of weather. Exiled by austerity, concomitant civil conflicts, and climatic turbulence into the world’s megacities, an increasingly large proportion of humanity finds itself especially vulnerable to the second great transforming force of our age: anthropogenic climate disruption. Close to 70 percent of the world’s population today lives in droughtprone areas; in cities, the heat-island effect can intensify the impact of heat waves and bring deadly infectious diseases such as meningitis, malaria, dengue, and the West Nile Virus. In addition, nearly two thirds of the world’s cities with more than 5 million inhabitants are partially located in low-elevation coastal zones, where they are subject to ever more frequent and intense cyclones and coastal storms catalyzed by climate change. Close to 2 billion people, 38 percent of humanity, currently live in densely populated coastal areas that are highly prone to devastating floods. Tropical storms and cyclones currently affect 1.4 billion people each year, 24 percent of the world’s contemporary urbanized population. The number of people exposed to cyclones alone is projected to more than double to 680 million by 2050. The areas most prone to such disasters extend in a band across the planet’s tropics, including urban regions in Central America, the Caribbean, the Bay of Bengal, China, and the Philippines. In this urban “tropics of chaos,” the calamities that befall slum dwellers must be seen not as “natural” disasters, but as anthropogenic climate disruptions in which uneven development and social inequality play a key role.

* * *

Why is there not more public alarm?

But the catastrophic climax is not unfolding in the global South alone. The threat posed by climate change to wealthy nations is real, present, and escalating. Perhaps the starkest warning of the mayhem to come was the European heat wave of 2003, which killed an estimated 70,000 European city-dwellers, a figure that dwarfs the 1,800 deaths from Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans. In addition, rising sea levels will affect many of the world’s powerful global cities, the key command-and-control nodes of the global capitalist economy. Most of these metropoles happen to be port cities, a fact largely ignored in the literature on the global city. The United States for example has eight key global cities: New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, Boston, San Francisco-Oakland, Washington, DC, Miami, and Philadelphia, all lying in coastal zones. (Chicago is located on the inland coast of Lake Michigan.) Rising sea levels and intensifying storms threaten almost all of them. In global terms, the top ten cities whose populations are exposed to natural disasters today are almost evenly split between developed and developing countries: Mumbai, Guangzhou, Shanghai, Miami, Ho Chi Minh City, Kolkata, Greater New York, Osaka-Kobe, Alexandria, and New Orleans. In terms of imperiled economic assets, however, the list tilts heavily toward the developed world, with Miami, Greater New York, New Orleans, Osaka-Kobe, Tokyo, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Nagoya, Tampa-St. Petersburg, and Virginia Beach topping the list. Although these cities contain 60 percent of threatened economic assets, they are located in only four countries: the United States, Japan, the Netherlands, and China. Each of these cities is a key node in global circuits of transportation and exchange. There will be extremely grave ramifications for the global economy if any of them are seriously damaged by the storms to come. It is projected that the threat to these cities’ wealth will multiply tenfold by 2070, while the total population exposed to natural disasters could triple to around 150 million people. These statistics highlight the fact that vulnerability to extreme weather is not simply a result of the exposure of masses of people to hurricanes, cyclones, and droughts, but a product of the complex interplay of populations, infrastructures, economic and political institutions, and anthropogenic climate change.

Flooding in Houston From Hurricane Harvey

Houston. Photo: Getty Images

Coastal cities face a future of ongoing systemic crisis as a result of climate change. These crises are likely to unfold as a slow cascade of rising mortality rates punctuated by spectacular disasters. As population numbers soar in these cities, increasing numbers of people are likely to be abandoned to their own devices, left exposed by the nonexistent or fraying infrastructures that buffer people from disasters. Compounding the threat of rising sea levels, the land on which most coastal cities are built is simultaneously sinking in a process known as subsidence. This process was directly responsible for the devastating impact of Hurricane Katrina on New Orleans, but it is a process unfolding around the world in fast-urbanizing river deltas, including the Po delta in Italy, Egypt’s Nile delta, the Ganges-Brahmaputra in India and Bangladesh, Vietnam’s Mekong, and China’s Yellow River delta. More than 500 million people currently live in the world’s river deltas, incredibly rich but ecologically sensitive regions that are subsiding at an alarming rate of 10 centimeters or so a year, causing the sea to swallow up dozens of meters of land in these regions each year. Over the past decade, 85 percent of the world’s major river deltas experienced flooding, killing hundreds of thousands of people. In tandem with this process of subsidence, coastal erosion is destroying the natural barriers that protect deltaic cities from increasingly severe storms and their surge waters. As mountain glaciers melt, hundreds of trillions of gallons of meltwater rush into surrounding seas that are themselves warming and, consequently, growing in volume. This convergence means that increasing numbers of the world’s coastal cities will soon fall below sea level, and will be exposed to the increasingly severe storms and surges born of an overheated planet.

While residents of coastal cities around the world will face increasingly extreme conditions in the coming years and decades, it is the poor who are the most vulnerable to cascading climate disruptions in cities. In the cities of the global South, already life-threatening conditions in informal settlements are being exacerbated by climate change. When disasters do not directly take people’s lives by collapsing hastily fabricated buildings and unstable land, the lack of storm drainage and solid-waste disposal can magnify the impact of floods. Infectious diseases can be rapidly transmitted through floodwaters, leading to outbreaks of cholera, typhoid, leptospirosis, and meningitis that destroy the lives of the poor even after the floodwaters recede. Increasingly fragile, global-spanning food supplies are disrupted. For people living in informal settlements, infrastructure is a constantly improvised and negotiated collective achievement rather than an invisible and taken-for-granted aspect of urban life. As a consequence, everyday hazards can often turn into disasters for the urban poor in the global South. But when extreme weather events cause infrastructure to break down, vulnerable denizens of even the world’s most wealthy cities can find their lives imperiled, as the hurricanes in New Orleans and New York and the heat waves in Chicago and Europe demonstrated. In such circumstances, the catastrophic climax of urbanization and climate change affects vulnerable people such as the elderly and the poor above all, but it also threatens massive amounts of capitalist assets. Why, given these dramatic present-day and future threats, is there not more public alarm?

* * *

Scientists statistically adjust data collected from urban weather stations. As a result, the extreme forms of warming occurring in cities are edited out of scientific assessments of climate change.

On 30 July 2012, sweltering heat in India’s capital city New Delhi led to record power use, as people set electrical pumps to work drawing water from wells and the affluent cranked up their air conditioners. In tandem, farmers in the northern states of Punjab and Haryana, struggling to keep their crops growing in the face of a delayed monsoon season, drew increased power from the grid to run pumps irrigating paddy fields. The failure of the monsoon rains to arrive ironically also meant that hydropower plants were generating less electricity. While Indian citizens are used to rolling blackouts, the cascading collapse that knocked power out in most of northern India that day set records. Over 300 million people were without electricity. Phones and traffic signals stopped working. Railways were shut down for hours, trapping many people in the middle of their morning commute. Many hospitals had to suspend operations. Water supplies broke down as treatment plants and pumping stations stopped functioning. It became impossible to draw water from wells powered with electrical pumps. Although power was restored relatively quickly, the following day, 31 July, an even broader power outage knocked out power for 620 million people.

India faces unique challenges relating to its electrical infrastructure: an estimated 27 percent of energy generated is lost in transmission or stolen, according to India’s Central Electricity Authority, and 25 percent of the country’s population, about 300 million people, have no access to electricity at all. But lest the denizens of developed countries feel smug about power failures in the developing world, it’s worth recalling that the northeastern United States suffered a similar cascading power outage during the summer of 2003, an event that shut off electricity for 55 million people in the midst of an intense summer heat wave. Subways in New York stopped running. Air conditioners no longer worked. Water stopped flowing out of faucets. Hundreds of thousands of people had to walk back to their homes in the outer boroughs in the blistering sun.

Heat waves and the cascading power outages that they often occasion are becoming increasingly frequent in cities across the global North and South. Extreme heat already accounts for more weather-related deaths per year than any other form of extreme weather. What would happen if a prolonged heat wave were to plunge a major city such as New York or São Paulo into a multiday blackout? What emergency systems are in place to support an urban population of tens of millions when electrical pumps are no longer working to deliver water, and when transport systems that might move people out of a blackout zone are crippled? If the deadly heat waves of 2003 in Europe and of 1995 in Chicago demonstrate the potentially catastrophic impact of heat extremes, surprisingly little attention has focused on what scientists call the urban heat island effect and on the vulnerability of urban populations. The heat island effect means that cities are, on average, 30 percent hotter than the countryside. Yet climate science measures climate change on the scale of the planet as a whole, rather than on the urban scale, where the impact of warming is demonstrably far more extreme. In fact, scientists statistically adjust data collected from urban weather stations when they seek to measure global temperature fluctuations. As a result, the extreme forms of warming occurring in cities—the places where the majority of humanity now lives—are edited out of scientific assessments of climate change. This effectively means that official assessments radically underestimate the magnitude of warming experienced by city dwellers around the globe today. As Brian Stone puts it, “For many, to live in a large city today is to live on the leading edge of the most rapidly changing environmental conditions ever experienced by humans—and to not even know it.”

* * *

Reprinted from Extreme Cities: The Peril and Promise of Urban Life in the Age of Climate Change by Ashley Dawson. Copyright © 2017 by Ashley Dawson. With permission of the publisher, Verso. All rights reserved.

How Does It Feel? An Alternative American History, Told With Folk Music

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Daniel Wolff | Grown-Up Anger: The Connected Mysteries of Bob Dylan, Woody Guthrie, and the Calumet Massacre of 1913 | Harper| June 2017 | 18 minutes (4,937 words) 

This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky.

* * *

An alien way of life.

You could say the silence started in Calumet in 1913. Word spread that the doors opened inward, that no one was to blame. What followed was a great quiet, a hundred years of agreed-upon untruth.

Or you could say it began just afterward, during the patriotic rush of the First World War and the Palmer Raids that followed. The Wobblies were crushed, the call for a workers’ alternative stilled.

Or you could say it began after the Second World War. If you see the two global conflicts as a single long realignment of power, then after America emerged as a superpower, its century-long Red Scare kicked back in with a vengeance. That’s how Elizabeth Gurley Flynn saw it. She traced the “hysterical and fear laden” atmosphere of the late 1940s back to when she was a union maid visiting Joe Hill in prison. “Now,” she said, “it is part of the American tradition.” In other words, once the nation of immigrants had defined itself, had determined an American Way, it also established the opposite: an Un-American Way.

In 1918, it was the U.S. Senate’s Overman Committee investigating Bolsheviks. In 1930, the Fish Committee looked into William Z. Foster and other communist influences. Eight years later, it was the establishment of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, which continued to operate through the fifties. “The real issue,” as HUAC’s first chairman, Martin Dies, put it, was “between Americanism on the one hand and alienism on the other.”

No one did more to define the Un-American than J. Edgar Hoover. His career began in 1917 jailing “disloyal aliens” as part of President Woodrow Wilson’s Justice Department. Soon Hoover was in charge of carrying out the Palmer Raids. By 1924, he was head of the nation’s Federal Bureau of Investigation. When he appeared before the Senate Internal Security Committee in 1948, he testified to “some thirty-five years of infiltration of an alien way of life in what we have been proud to call our constitutional republic.” That math put the beginning of the infiltration—and the silence—in 1913.

Hoover testified as the Popular Front was making one last national effort. Henry Wallace, former vice president under FDR, had mounted a third-party run for the presidency. Seeing little difference between Democrat Harry Truman and Republican Thomas Dewey, Wallace vowed to establish “the century of the common man.” That included expanded health care, the nationalization of the energy industry, and cooperation with Russia instead of Cold War. Attacking what he called the Red Scare “witch hunt,” Wallace proclaimed, “those who fear communism lack faith in democracy.”

What was left of the Popular Front rallied around him. Alan Lomax headed up a “musical desk” and brought in Guthrie, Seeger, Hays, and others. People’s Songs churned out tunes, including a fiddle-and-guitar blues by Guthrie: “The road is rocky, but it won’t be rocky long / Gonna vote for Wallace: he can righten all our wrongs.”

It was a final electoral test of their progressive ideas, a last chance to present their case to the people. But liberals decided Wallace was “an apologist for Stalin.” And those attacks were supported by America’s labor leaders, who united to denounce Wallace as a dupe “being used by the Communists.” Crowds jeered him when he toured Indiana, Iowa, Missouri. When he campaigned in the South—with Pete Seeger, among others—Wallace refused to sleep at segregated hotels, eat at segregated restaurants, speak to segregated audiences. The locals responded by pelting him with tomatoes and eggs and shouting “nigger lover.” On election day, his Progressive Party was crushed, getting less than 3 percent of the vote. As one folksinger put it, “. . . all the hopes and dreams of the brave new postwar world came crashing down at the end of the Wallace campaign.”

That same year, Whittaker Chambers fingered Alger Hiss as part of a Communist spy ring within the US government. Richard Nixon began his rise as a young anti-Communist Republican. It was the year the California’s Un-American Activities Committee cited People’s Songs as a Communist front—and included as a “following Communist” a suspect the FBI would refer to as “Woodroe” Wilson Guthrie.

Guthrie stayed defiant, continuing to appear at Communist rallies and write for the Daily Worker. His FBI file described him as five foot five, 135 pounds, with reddish-brown, close-cropped hair, blue eyes. Under the category of Peculiarities, it noted, “Weather-beaten face.” He was thirty-six years old, the father— with two wives—of five children, and Mazia was pregnant with a sixth. His disease was more and more obvious, his most productive years behind him.

* * *

As commercial and successful as possible.

On Labor Day 1949, Guthrie drove up the Hudson River to Peekskill, New York, to a concert by Paul Robeson. The Negro actor/singer/activist had tried to appear a few days earlier, but the local papers had declared him a “subversive,” and an anti-communist crowd had blocked the entrance to the show, attacked the audience, burnt a cross on a nearby hill. “Our objective was to prevent the Paul Robeson concert,” the head of the local American Legion declared, “and I think our objective was reached.”

Determined not to be silenced, Robeson returned, and twenty thousand people gathered to hear him. Pete Seeger opened, singing with a new, as yet unnamed quartet. Meanwhile, an estimated eight thousand protesters ringed the outdoor venue, shouting, “Go back to Russia!” “Kikes!” “Nigger-lovers!” When Robeson appeared, he set his deep, operatic voice to a mix of classical pieces, spirituals like “No More Auction Block” and political songs like “Joe Hill,” which he’d helped popularize a few years earlier. He designed his program as a reminder of a progressive tradition that stretched back into American history.

When the show ended, the performers and the audience retrieved their cars and started to exit out a narrow roadway. Lee Hays, riding with Guthrie, called it a “gauntlet . . . A tunnel lined on both sides with the enemy. And docks, boards, bottles, rocks.” Police offered no protection. Instead, Hays reports, they “slowed down vehicles so the hoodlums could get better aim.” Cars were overturned, windshields smashed, passengers pulled out and beaten. It was like the vigilante men in California, like the Citizens Council in Calumet. “I’ve seen a lot,” Hays heard Guthrie mutter, “but this is the worse.” On both sides of the gauntlet, anticommunists waved signs saying, wake up, america. peekskill did!

America did, too. Early in 1950, Wisconsin senator Joseph McCarthy started publicizing lists of supposed communists working for the federal government. Less than three weeks after Peekskill, Russia tested its own atomic bomb. A week later, China officially became a Communist country. In June, President Truman put US troops on the ground in Korea in response to what he called “unprovoked aggression” by Communist forces.

That same month, a group called Counterattack published Red Channels, a “Report of Communist Influence in Radio and Television.” It featured indexes of people and organizations that were allegedly out to “infiltrate every phase of our life.” Included along with Leonard Bernstein, Aaron Copland, Lena Horne, Arthur Miller, and many others were Will Geer, Burl Ives, Millard Lampell, Alan Lomax, Earl Robinson, Pete Seeger. Guthrie wasn’t named, but Red Channels included as Communist fronts both the American Labor Party, to which he and his wife were registered, and People’s Songs.

In the midst of this, Seeger launched the Weavers, the quartet he’d previewed at Peekskill. It was like the Almanacs but with a sweeter, more presentable sound. Its objective was to “beat the blacklist,” as member Lee Hays put it, not by attacking it directly but by being “as commercial and successful as possible.”

* * *

A certain kind of self-censoring.

Guthrie had been one of the driving spirits of the Almanacs; eight years later, he was noticeably absent from the Weavers. He wasn’t too old; Hays was only a couple years younger. And though Guthrie was famously scruffy, the rest of the Weavers needed some cleaning up, too. It may have been that his stiletto voice had no place in the group’s more commercial harmonies. Or that his disease had already taken too much of a toll. It didn’t help that he was, according to Seeger, “always an unreliable performer.” And maybe he wasn’t willing to make the political adjustment. The Weavers’ first recording was “The Peekskill Story, Pts. 1–2,” but they quickly decided to temper their radical politics. “We felt,” as Ronnie Gilbert put it, “if we sang hard enough and strong enough and hopefully enough, somehow it would make a difference.”

It worked, at least in part. Between 1950 and 1952, the group had a string of hits: Lead Belly’s “Goodnight, Irene,” a sing-along “On Top of Old Smokey,” the South African “Wimoweh,” and the lilting, hummable “Kisses Sweeter Than Wine.” They successfully brought folk music into the Top Forty. Or folk songs, anyway. Because on record, their jovial, uplifting sound was often cushioned in masses of horns and strings: “Almost the opposite,” Seeger later claimed, “of how we wanted to sound.” But he also admitted he was tired of “congratulating myself on not ‘going commercial.’” To break out, they entered into what Hellerman called “a certain kind of self-censoring as much aesthetic as political.”

As a result, the Weavers got to play nightclubs in New York, Miami, Las Vegas. The men dressed in matching green corduroy jackets or tuxedos, Ronnie Gilbert in an evening dress. Guthrie “really didn’t approve,” according to Seeger: “. . . we got a little too fancy for his tastes.” But Hays wrote Earl Robinson, “I am so wrapped up in the problem of what to say to this big new audience of ours that I am not in the least ashamed that the old audience is gone. . . .” In live performances, depending on the venue, the Weavers might make reference to a new and better world, or sing the Hays/Seeger tune “If I Had a Hammer,” their coded message opposing the Red Scare. But even “Hammer” was a little too much for radio and wouldn’t become a hit until a dozen years later, when the teenage Mary Travers heard the Weavers do it in concert and brought the tune to her own well-dressed folk group: Peter, Paul and Mary.

The Weavers’ politics were still radical, but their sound was genial: audience-friendly harmonies non-threatening songs that went with a clean-cut, middle-class image. Guthrie, in his own way, went with the trend. He rewrote “So Long, It’s Been Good to Know Ya” for the Weavers, turning it into a kind of benign romantic comedy, and was soon collecting an advance check for $10,000. The Weavers’ label, Decca, went on to offer him a recording contract. His circle of friends might still have the “utmost contempt” for commercial music, but that’s what they were now making. The Weavers became part of the soundtrack for the postwar golden age, the sound of consensus.

But singing “Wimoweh” in tuxedoes couldn’t last. “The only question really,” Hellerman emphasized, “was when we would get our subpoenas.” The same month Red Channels came out, the Los Angeles office of the FBI accused Guthrie of being part of a political group whose “ultimate purpose . . . is sabotage against the United States during war with Russia.” An immediate investigation was ordered. In August, the agency declared the best way to find Guthrie would be through one “Allan Lomack.” Lomax would soon escape to England, his trip partly financed by royalties from the Weavers’ version of “Goodnight, Irene.”

Guthrie could still joke about it. In a song he wrote about the FBI, he declared, “I will point a gun for my country / But I won’t guarantee you which way.” In March 1951, the Bureau made him the subject of a Communist Index Card, raising his category of threat. That spring, Will Geer was called before HUAC. “I love America,” he testified. “I love it enough to want to make it better.” He refused to name other communists. As a result, he wouldn’t get regular acting work for two decades (when he landed the job of the patriarch on TV’s The Waltons). In the summer of 1951, a Weavers appearance on NBC was canceled, as was a booking at the Ohio State Fair. When Mother Ella Reeve Bloor died, age eighty-nine, the group made a collective decision not to attend her funeral, out of fear it would further incriminate them as Reds.

Both the Weavers and Guthrie were cited as communists at a HUAC meeting in early 1952. Decca Records dropped them both. That spring, his marriage falling apart, Guthrie was temporarily committed to Bellevue Hospital. He showed a baffling array of symptoms: staggering, slurring of speech, threats of violence and suicide. Six months later, doctors diagnosed Huntington’s chorea.

At the hospital, doctors noted that Guthrie was “ranting about the ‘Hoover gang,’” but his conspiracy theories turned out to be based in reality. The FBI had been trailing him and continued to after his release, eventually designating him for Detcom and Comsab status, categories reserved for national security threats subject to high-priority arrest in the event of war. The folk revival’s symbol of “absolute freedom” began to wander compulsively. In the summer of 1954, informers in Tulsa, Oklahoma, described him as “beat up” with “gray hair.” In early 1955, an FBI agent made a “pretext phone call” to his now ex-wife, Marjorie, and learned that Guthrie had entered Brooklyn State Hospital and was likely to be hospitalized from then on. Given his “fairly well advanced . . . deteriorating disease,” the bureau recommended to Hoover that Guthrie be taken off the Security Index. His brain was mostly fine, his loyalty still to “the only people that I love on this earth, my union hearted army,” but “chorea,” as he wrote, “gets worser and dizzier. . . .”

* * *

They don’t sing at union meetings.

In the summer of 1955, as Guthrie sat in the hospital “halfways knocked out,” Hays and Seeger were called to appear before HUAC. They shared the same lawyer, but when asked if they were now or ever had been Communists, Hays cited the Fifth Amendment, refusing to incriminate himself, where Seeger stuck to the First Amendment that granted him free speech—or silence. Asked if he’d sung for the Communist Party, Seeger answered, “I have sung in hobo jungles, and I have sung for the Rockefellers, and I am proud that I have never refused to sing for anybody. That is the only answer I can give along that line.” The Weavers tried to struggle on, but there were almost no bookings. Seeger soon resorted to his “guerilla tactics,” cobbling together a living via appearances on college campuses and at summer camps.

The Red Scare was more than a scare—one of its victims called it the American Inquisition—and it was larger than folk music. “Our own field,” as Ronnie Gilbert noted, “was the smallest part of it.” It ran through academia, the government, organized labor. After the merger of the AFL and the CIO in 1955, the combined organization launched a concerted effort to deny communist influence. That included purging not only suspected members but any vestiges of the party, which apparently included music itself. Asked to sponsor a new union songbook, an AFL-CIO secretary responded, “What are you trying to do, make fools of us? . . . They don’t sing at union meetings. . . . I’ve never heard of anything so ridiculous in my life.”

Meanwhile, revelations about Stalin’s dictatorship shook party loyalists. The world’s primary example of functioning socialism now admitted its government had been behind widespread censorship, purges, death camps. Membership in America’s Communist Party had already fallen to twenty thousand; as the details of Stalin’s dictatorship were revealed, it plummeted to three thousand. Meanwhile, the threat of communism fed the US military: its budget went from 5 percent of the gross national product in 1950 to 13.5 percent three years later. As military spending had helped shock the nation out of the Great Depression, now it helped stimulate the golden age.

Between 1950 and 1970, the real gross national product rose by $350 billion. Basic wages for production, which had gone up by 45 percent in the late forties, rose by 56 percent in the fifties and another 44 percent in the sixties. It was the opposite of the Great Depression: now, capitalism flourished, and socialist countries looked gray, poor, repressive.

America’s economic boom was a corporate one. Between 1945 and 1960, the assets of US corporations almost tripled. It was a little like Calumet and Hecla in the copper empire, with profits going primarily to stockholders. While the golden age saw this marked increase in wealth, how it was distributed didn’t change much. The rich got richer; the percentage that went to the middle-class held even; and the poor ended up with a smaller share. Where inequality dropped in Europe after World War II, and as one economist put it, “people felt that capitalism had been overcome”—in the United States, the golden age pushed inequality past even where it had been in the early nineteenth century, the era of the Boston Associates.

The same way C&H tried to keep the economic peace by incorporating progressive ideas, American corporations in the golden age expanded health care, pensions, disability insurance. But what seemed to disappear was the idea of any alternative to capitalism. Earl Robinson called the midfifties McCarthy period “the silent generation thing.”

Beneath that silence, the folk revival still existed. In 1955, when Seeger gave a concert at a junior high school in Palo Alto, California, thirteen-year-old Joan Baez discovered who she wanted to be. In the same audience was Dave Guard, an undergraduate at Stanford University, who went on to form a Weavers-like group that turned into the Kingston Trio. Meanwhile, in San Francisco that fall, Allen Ginsberg read his poem “Howl,” and an alternative literary movement, the Beats, began, connected to what he called “a recovery of . . . folk wisdom and folk energy and folk exuberance and folk suffering. . . .” In December, Rosa Parks, having studied nonviolent protest at the Highlander Folk School, refused to move to the back of a Montgomery, Alabama, bus.

A decade passed, a decade Guthrie spent in the hospital. It began with the murder of Emmett Till and ended with the murder of Malcolm X. Under presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, the Cold War heated up and became Vietnam. In the roar of the market’s golden age, manufacturing began to shift out of America; a service economy emerged. It was the decade of the so-called second folk revival that began with the Guthrie tribute concert, the decade of the Kingston Trio and Peter, Paul and Mary, the decade Dylan went from junior high school to the verge of pop stardom.

* * *

He wants the truth of history, updated.

On June 15, 1965, Dylan is in the studio cutting a new record. He pulls out some words he’s scribbled during his “retirement” and is now calling “Like a Rolling Stone.” That may be a nod to the Hank Williams line from “Lost Highway” or to Muddy Waters’s “Rollin’ Stone,” a blues standard about a displaced, powerful drifter, or it may refer back to the original proverb. Joe Hill, on the eve of his execution, handed a poem through the bars to his guard: “My will is easy to decide / For there is nothing to divide. / My kind don’t need to fuss and moan—/ ‘Moss does not cling to a rolling stone.’”

Dylan’s lyrics are a rush of images, but the band sounds almost sleepy, playing something close to waltz time behind the singer’s country-smooth vocal. Take after take follows with no hint of urgency or anger.

The session ends without coming up with anything usable. The band’s been playing variations on the blues, but it isn’t, finally a blues band. That’s not what the studio musicians are good at. Bloomfield is, but he’s been asked not to bend notes. It’s as if they’ve been requested to re-create history and, instead, ended up mired in old forms. If Dylan’s looking backward—and he’ll eventually call the LP Highway 61 Revisited—it’s not just to revisit the old South-to-North blues route. He wants to see what’s changed. And he wants to change it. He wants the truth of history, updated.

Dylan may have written the melody to “Like a Rolling Stone” on piano; that’s how it was first shown to the band, anyway. And he’s not known as an electric guitar player, not since Hibbing High. But now he straps one on and helps kick off the song by playing a scratchy rhythm figure: two beats, then a faster strum, then again. On electric guitar, with the band joining in, it sounds like dance music: a funky little slither, the shadow of James Brown, whose “I Got You (I Feel Good)” is all over the 1965 soul and pop charts.

The net effect, when the musicians finally hop aboard, is an odd mix. There’s still the lope of hillbilly music—the steady one-two, one-two striding across the song’s landscape—but inside that is this tight dance beat. Meanwhile, Kooper’s organ is underlining and then smearing the pattern, while Bloomfield’s playing this intricate, steady guitar pick from the country blues. Below all that, the rhythm section’s churning out big pop sounds that you might hear on a Phil Spector girl-group record.

A big pop sound is the point: they’re out to make a hit. And it works.

Leave them there, in the studio, a minute and skip forward. Once they get a finished version of the number, there will be a month’s delay. Supposedly the label balks at the song’s six-minute length (about the same as Guthrie’s “Tom Joad”). But when it finally does come out, it’ll immediately take off. Five days after its release, the crowd at the Newport Folk Festival already knows it. As traditional singers give “workshops” and concerts—the Reverend Gary Davis introducing his last song by saying, “This is the truth”—Dylan will appear in leather jacket and tight black pants. One of the festival’s board members will call Dylan’s electric set “[an] explosion of lights, sound, and anger.” Seeger and others will complain about that explosion—about the volume, or maybe it’s the look. Or how short Dylan’s set is. Or how he’s betrayed the Guthrie tradition, dropped the cherished banner. Or how his voice is wailing over and inside the song. But within a week, the single will be at number two in America, topped only by the Beatles’ “Help.”

It’s a hit, a Top Ten song. Over the next forty years of his career, Dylan will only have three others, and none will chart higher. “I think ‘Like A Rolling Stone,’” he’ll say, six months into its success, “is definitely the thing which I do. After writing that I wasn’t interested in writing a novel, or a play. I just had too much, I want to write songs.”

But all that’s in the future. It wasn’t a hit or even a song till he and the musicians found it.

* * *

Here we go! Where are we going?

Back in the studio, they do fifteen takes. On some, Dylan screws up the words; others have technical difficulties; and often, as Wilson points out, “Something’s wrong time-wise.” They’re not improvising exactly, but the producer and singer have deliberately set up a situation where nobody quite knows what they’re doing. It has some of the spontaneous feel of a Lomax field recording or one of Guthrie’s marathon Asch sessions. That’s part of the truth as Dylan understands it, that it has to sound fresh, that neither the musicians nor the listeners can know what’s coming.

On the take they’ll finally use, the drums’ opening smack seems to surprise the band. “Here we go! Where are we going?” The organ hits and holds, sounding churchlike, and then there’s that dancey rhythm guitar figure.

“Once upon a time,” the singer begins. He’s said it a little tentatively in other tries, but now he’s sure: we’re going down into the past, hold on tight. His voice is a little rushed, slurring the lyrics, almost as if they don’t really matter. But there’s that confidence, that authority: he knows what he’s hunting for.

The song’s aimed at a woman, but maybe more important, at someone who’s made it. Or had it made. The singer talks directly to her, his voice calm at first, the musicians working beside him as he starts to list the things she’s done, the life she’s led. It’s almost a formal accusation, a grievance letter like the one the copper miners sent to management. When the singer asks her to confirm—you did do these things, “didn’t you?”—his voice gets its first hint of anger.

The way the melody works, each verse doubles back on itself— rising as if to crescendo, then returning—and that suits the story line. The singer lists what the woman’s done and then comes back to point out how things have changed. You used to dress fine, now you’re scrounging. The tune keeps doing this, descending as it repeats, till—led by the organ’s sustained chords, it has the potential to turn into a harangue, a litany of failure. Except Bloomfield’s guitar is stirring, and a tambourine’s banging away, and when the verse ends by explaining what she’s been scrounging for, it’s on a high, held note: “your next me-eee-al!”

The singer’s been studying for this moment, studying—among others—Woody Guthrie’s stiletto. It’s this sound, this held note, that signals the beginning of the truth.

Dylan’s used the approach and the structure before. “Like a Rolling Stone” is another restless farewell, another repeating pattern he can break and bump against. But as he rides the held note out of the verse and into the chorus, something else happens. “It’s a whole way of doing things,” Dylan will say, a year after the session. “I’m not talking about words. It’s a certain feeling, and it’s been on every single record I’ve ever made. That has not changed.”

How does it feel?

That question, at the start of the chorus, switches the song into suddenly more than a harangue, something more open-ended than that—directed not just at her but at us. And it’s a question in form only. The music, the release, the last of the singer’s escaping breath gives the answer.

How does it feel? It feels good. It feels great.

What does? Well, being alone, having no destination, discovering that you’re a stranger. He could be describing the classic Woody Guthrie outlaw, except this isn’t a song about a rambling hero. He’s not asking about her “hard travelin.’” No, the question here is how it feels to have been prosperous, to have had it made, and then to see it all come crashing down. And the answer the music gives is that it feels great.

There’s the squib of a harmonica that abruptly stops. No time for that now; we’re still gaining momentum.

The second verse is fiercer, both lyrically and in how it’s delivered. As soon as the past is laid out—her time attending “the finest school”—the ground is cut out from under: “But you only used to get juiced in it.” The loss is immediate, followed (as the verse doubles back) by the consequence: the sudden and unavoidable need to make a “de-eee-al!” It’s that high held note again, and the chorus is already nearly familiar enough for us to sing along. It now has the magnetism of a hit, something anybody in a bar or driving or walking home from school can chime in on, knowing the question, knowing the answer. Great! It feels great.

Again, the squib of a harmonica; still no time for it.

“Awww!” the singer yells as he enters the third verse. He’s plainly angry now, even lecturing a little. You never cared, he says; you thought you were above it; “You shouldn’t”—a noticeable pause to underline the words—“let other people get your”—another pause— “kicks for you.”

This isn’t labor history; the song has nothing to do with labor history. But the piano’s quick boogie-woogie shake is pissed at one class of people doing and the other just riding along, observing. As the verse does its double-back, the consequences grow. The consen- sus that’s been struck—this golden age, this prosperous status quo— has taken everything from you it could—the held note—“ste-ee-al.” On the third go-round of the chorus, the singer blows a lyric and just leaves it that way. Screw it; the sound is what matters. And the sound is a howl that should be the end of the song. We’ve all had to compromise; we’re all paying the price; we’ve all lost on the deal. What else is there to say?

This time, the harmonica squibs a little longer, like it’s trying to shake free.

But instead of fading out, the band cranks up another notch. Somehow the rhythm section finds the strength to go on not only longer, but harder, higher.

The storyteller returns to once upon a time, to that mythical past when there was a “princess on a steeple.” She spent her days “Exchanging all precious gifts,” amused at how the mighty had fallen. When the verse doubles back, the singer tells her—tells us—that’s over. And in this new era, we’d better go back to those who’ve fallen—we’ve got to go back—because we’ve ended up with nothing. And that brings on the final exhilarating news: “You’re invisible now, you’ve got no secrets to conce-ee-al. . . .”

That’s where this history brings us: to a new start. Not a fresh start; there’s been too much past for that.

* * *

From Grown-up Anger: The Connected Mysteries of Bob Dylan, Woody Guthrie, and the Calumet Massacre of 1913 by Daniel Wolff. Copyright © 2017 by Daniel Wolff. Reprinted by permission of Harper, an imprint of HarperCollins Publishers.


The RNC, Revisited

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Jared Yates Sexton 

The People Are Going to Rise Like the Waters Upon Your Shore: A Story of American Rage | Counterpoint | August 2017 | 19 minutes (5,081 words) 

Below is an excerpt from The People Are Going to Rise Like the Waters Upon Your Shore, by Jared Yates Sexton. A version of this story originally appeared in The Atticus Review in July of last year, when it wasn’t yet clear that the ugliness Sexton Yates saw in Cleveland was a harbinger of much to come. Or, perhaps it was clear—to anyone who was really looking. Here is that essay, revisited. This story is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky.

* * *

Because I can.

The news broke over the radio.

Another ambush.

Another murder in a long line of murders.

Another gaping wound for Baton Rouge, Louisiana, a reeling community that hadn’t the chance to heal from Alton Sterling’s tragic death twelve days earlier. Three officers killed, another three wounded. The gunman a veteran named Gavin Long who celebrated his twenty-ninth birthday by targeting cops in the streets.

The cable networks breathlessly speculated in the fashion that’d become so commonplace in our era of panic. How many gunmen? Who’s responsible? We’re just getting video—what is this exactly? What type of weapon are we talking about? What’s the feeling out there? All the same whether it’s Baton Rouge or Dallas or France.

The only relief came when they would throw to their reporters stationed in Cleveland, preparing for the upcoming Republican National Convention and the possibility that the trend of violence could continue. Are people nervous? they asked. What type of security measures are being taken?

An hour or so later, Stephen Loomis, the president of Cleveland’s Patrolmen’s Association, begged Governor John Kasich to suspend open-carry regulations in the area outside the Quicken Loans Arena, a request Kasich said he couldn’t grant. Following his answer—a denial Loomis bemoaned on every available network—the media speculated again, this time what kind of tragedy Cleveland could see if tensions ran too hot.

“I think they’re gonna burn down the city,” a caller said on talk radio. “I really do.”

By Monday morning, the most sought-after picture in Cleveland was someone carrying a weapon in plain view of the entire world. The first I found was Jesse Gonzales, conspicuous because of the large halo of reporters surrounding him. Holding court in the heart of them, Gonzales stood with an AK-47 on his back.

By my count, there were at least four countries and three continents worth of cameras trained on him as he casually answered the most repeated question of why he would ever carry a weapon into a powder keg like this: “Because I can.”

Giving a similar answer was a group of Minutemen posting up on a corner outside Public Square. Decked out in body armor and combat boots, tactical communication sets snaking out of their ears, they pontificated on the police union’s “illegal request” and, when asked about the weapons, would only say three words: “It’s the Constitution.”

A few feet away were Ohio police officers in bulletproof vests. I asked one what he thought of the open-carriers and got a roll of the eyes. “No comment,” he said, “but it’s a pain in my ass.”

The scene was interrupted as a truck pulled slowly down the road with a digital screen in the back that sparked to life. Conspiracy mogul Alex Jones’s gruff voice avalanched out of the speakers and declared war on globalists and labeled Hillary Clinton a criminal who needed to be locked away.

Soon a black passerby invaded the space, leaving the Minutemen visibly uncomfortable. He carried a sign and ordered random members of the crowd to join him for a picture. “You,” he said to a passing girl. “I don’t know you from a sandwich, but come on over here.”

As the picture of the man and the Minutemen was snapped, the outfit’s leader shouted their two-minute warning. Not long after they were marching down the sidewalk, crossing the street, their rifles bouncing as they stepped out of rhythm.

* * *   

No one is ever going to rape you, you are so safe . . . unless you go to a refugee camp.

Everywhere, outright symbols of hate: Confederate flags. A man dressed in neo-Nazi paramilitary gear. Shirts and buttons and flags and towels with the most misogynistic pictures and slogans you could imagine. The new economy of intolerance and meanness that only Donald Trump could’ve conjured in twenty-first-century America.

Matching the symbols were moments of confrontation in every corner of the city. In the park, random arguments sparked between ideologically opposed participants, the topics and people ranging from capitalism to eternal damnation, from the ubiquitous country-club uniform of blue blazer, white collar, and khakis to a preacher standing on the steps of Public Square in an allah is satan shirt and carrying an all muslims are jihadists sign. The latter was preaching to a crowd of people ignoring him when a Muslim woman climbed up and slipped him a joke pack of gum a protest group had been handing out earlier: islamophobin, it said, multi-symptom relief for chronic islamophobia. The man took it and told her she was going to hell.

Down on East Fourth Street, the choked thoroughfare where MSNBC and The Washington Post rented their headquarters, foot traffic was heavy and people squeezed against each other, bumping and shoving from time to time. At the end, the bottleneck opened onto Prospect Avenue, where impromptu protests were held in the shadow of the Quicken Loans Center.

That’s where I found self-proclaimed pickup artist, and founder of the vile misogynistic website Return of Kings, Roosh V engaging with a small group of feminists chanting “rapist, rapist, rapist” as he filmed them and asked for more. Roosh, who has published articles about how to train women and stated a preference for girls with “skin tones within two shades” of his own, held his camera aloft to capture the event for his viewers at home and to the delight of his sad pack of an entourage, including one who told a woman, “No one is ever going to rape you, you are so safe . . . unless you go to a refugee camp.” When she turned from him: “Aww, you got mad. You’ve got no emotional control.”

Elsewhere, other Trump supporters interrupted speakers and protesters, laughing at them and mock crying when they ruffled. While a revolutionary group rallied against police brutality, a pair of supporters asked them if they knew the meaning of random words and chuckled. A few feet away a group laid black tiles with protest language in the street, gaining the attention of another pair who stood to the side, watching the project and commenting, “These people don’t have a moral center” and “Their daddy didn’t love them enough.”

It took a toll, so I went into Flannery’s Pub, grabbed a table by the bar, and while I was ordering a beer the television showed footage of Representative Steve King of Iowa discussing dividing the world into whites and nonwhites: “I’d ask you to go back through history and figure out: Where are these contributions that have been made by these other categories of people you’re talking about? Where did any other sub-group of people contribute more to civilization?”

Then footage of Antonio Sabato Jr., idiot soap-opera actor, saying he didn’t believe the president was a Christian.

Then that race-baiting, rat bastard Rudy Giuliani.

All leading to Trump entering with a belching fog machine to “We Are the Champions” to introduce his wife Melania.

Enough to make you cry.

I was in a stupor on the train ride back to my room. One day and already so much ugliness. I closed my eyes and listened to the wheels on the track. Then a couple in the seat across from mine, the two of them in their late sixties, Trump buttons on one lapel and a local race on the other, began explaining Black Lives Matter to someone sitting nearby.

“They’re paid by George Soros and the Democratic Party,” the husband said.

The wife was nodding off beside him.

“They’re giving them guns and money and telling them to come to Cleveland and lay waste to the whole damn place.” 

* * *  

This is staged. This whole thing.

In the morning, the main topic of concern was that Melania’s speech had been plagiarized from a previous one delivered by Michelle Obama. All down the corridor, correspondents were bloodhounding anyone with a delegate lanyard and pinning them against the walls and fences, asking if it changed their opinion of Trump. The ones who were already iffy about him nodded as they sucked on their bottom lips. “It’s a real issue,” they said. “This definitely gives me something to think about.”

Two hundred yards away were a group of combat veterans calling themselves Vets Vs. Hate, an outfit mostly in T-shirts and shorts, a distinct contrast to the Minutemen from the day before. Ben, an Army vet, told me he’d come because he was tired of how Trump talked about women and Muslims, saying, “These are people we served with proudly.”

There was little fanfare for Vets Vs. Hate, though, as all the oxygen was being sucked up by a man dragging the American flag across the ground of Public Square. Quickly he was ringed by media and angry men and women who told him he should be ashamed of himself and occasionally snuck into the circle to snatch the flag off the ground. When they did, the man nonchalantly dipped it back before returning to talk with reporters.

Before long, a biker fought through and grabbed the flag, setting off a tense tug-of-war as photographers rabidly snapped pictures. Police who’d been monitoring the situation wasted no time in breaking up the scuffle and leading both men away from the crowd.

US-VOTE-REPUBLICANS-CONVENTION-politics-election

Photo: Getty Images

Back on Fourth Street, I found another argument, this one fabricated for the benefit of a reporter. Roosh V and one of his cronies were holding court in an alley, Roosh playing a caricature of a social-justice warrior explaining to his make america great again hat-wearing friend just how ignorant he was. A videographer taped the discussion but seemed perplexed: “I don’t get it,” she said, “why did you two come here together?”

I couldn’t stop myself. The heat was stifling and all of the noise and bombast was wearing on me. “This is staged,” I interrupted. “This whole thing.”

Instantly they dropped the façade, seeming more disappointed than anything. “Why’d you have to do that?” Roosh asked.

Right before Trump’s nomination, a protest built up in the park. The revolutionary outfit had returned with larger numbers and soon the police had weaved through the gathering and separated them, the maneuvers nearly causing more problems when they knocked over a pair of African-American men who stood up and shared words. Then, Dr. Cornell West waded into the throng and stopped everything. “There will be no peace until there is justice,” he said, a megaphone carrying his voice through the square. “No calmness until justice.”

And then Donald Trump became the nominee of a major political party for president of the United States. 

* * *  

What are you? Some kind of white knight?

Earlier in the day, news broke that Milo Yiannopoulos, renowned troll and self-described “most dangerous faggot,” had been permanently banned by Twitter for his role in harassing Leslie Jones, actress in the lightning-rod remake of Ghostbusters. Divisive by design, Yiannopoulos has made an incredible living and built a fervent following by touring the country and trolling everyone and everything.

As a result, his personal brand was red-hot with the alt-right, a group of young, aggressive conservatives more than willing to spout their xenophobic, racist, anti-feminist hate speech at the top of their intolerant lungs, an ethos that led to them throwing their growing influence behind Donald Trump. The hottest ticket for the alt-right was Tuesday night’s WAKE UP! Gays for Trump event and the center of their world a ballroom on Cleveland State University’s campus. Hoofing it down the sidewalk, ears still ringing from Chris Christie’s bullish prosecution of Hillary Clinton, journalist Jerad Alexander and myself were surprised by a voice we recognized: “These guys.”

We turned and found Roosh and his pack of supporters breezing in around us.

“What are you?” he asked. “Some kind of white knight?”

They kept pace with us for the next two blocks and argued the reporter they’d tried to dupe earlier had deserved to lose her job. We were outside the building, Alexander and I telling Roosh and his men how blatantly disrespectful they were being, when the group peeled off and skipped nine-tenths of the people waiting in line. It was obvious right away that this was the alt-right’s party, as well as the party of the Infowars T-shirt wearers who stood outside and talked animatedly about taking down the infrastructure of freedom-hating globalists by any means necessary.

The walls inside were lined with pictures of rail-thin male models in various stages of undress. The only consistent article of clothing: the signature make america great again hat of the Trump campaign. To go with the artwork—including a Gadsden flag hanging over the DJ booth—were trump/pence 2016 signs. Conspicuous as hell was the name of the governor of Indiana, who in his congressional years had supported a shift of money from AIDS research to conversion therapy for homosexuals.

There weren’t enough drink tickets to stand around and listen to the crowd speak in hateful vagaries, or to watch them dance awkwardly on the small dance floor in front. In line for drinks, I stood near a man about my age with a fascistic haircut and an obviously high opinion of himself. I’d run across him earlier in the park with a sign reading wanna talk to a racist and had asked in passing what he thought he was doing. Now, in line, he asked me the same thing.

I wouldn’t know it until later, but I’d had an interaction with Richard Spencer, president of the white-nationalist think tank the National Policy Institute, not to mention the man who’d coined the phrase “alt-right” and would go on to national infamy in just a few months.

Unaware at the time, and a few beers in, I moseyed up as a speaker introduced the first headliner: Dutch politician and founder of the Party for Freedom Geert Wilders. Considered by many to be the Donald Trump of the Netherlands, the far-right and anti-Muslim Wilders came bearing warnings of “Eurabia,” a Europe that had been “overrun” by refugees and Muslims. Congratulating the crowd on taking a stand, he told them that if he becomes the prime minister of his country, he’d be opposed to even a solitary new mosque being built in the Netherlands.


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The main event, of course, was Yiannopoulos, who sported sunglasses and a tank top with a rainbow Uzi and the words we shoot back. He made light of his Twitter banning, the impetus being a fight with a “black Ghostbuster,” saying, “What a humiliating end to a wonderful run. It could at least be getting into a fight with somebody serious, but no, no, it was the tertiary star of a fucking terrible feminist flop.”

The crowd up front hung on his words, especially as he tied a knot meant to bind the LGBTQ community with the forces of bigotry, the shooting in Orlando serving as the lace, the only problem being that the ballroom was half-full and the people in the back were more concerned with their drinks and socializing than the shitshow on stage. Repeatedly, the crowd of alt-right diehards, the majority of them the same straight kids who’d been following around the likes of Roosh and his cronies, were turning around to tell them to shut up. But it didn’t matter. There were better things to do and better places to do them. Soon they were leaving Yiannopoulos and his sycophantic assholes to their hatred, and, I suppose one could argue, their takeover of the Republican Party.

Outside, Cleveland was still awake. Delegates were stumbling from bar to bar with drinks and cigars in hand. Street musicians were still banging drums and strumming guitars on the corners. And tucked into the corner of campus were a group of protesters displaying a banner: queers against racism.

“We’re here,” they chanted, “we’re queer, your politics are really weird.”

* * * 

And what would Trump be in charge of?

Wednesday morning and another disaster.

Pissed off by campaign manager Paul Manafort’s calling him a disgrace for not coming to the convention, Governor Kasich went straight to The New York Times and said he’d been approached about the VP job before Pence and that, included in the offer, was the possibility of being “the most powerful vice president in history.”

Supposedly, Donald Trump Jr. had been in charge of the discussion and assured Kasich he’d be in charge of both domestic and foreign policies.

And what would Trump be in charge of?

“Making America great again.”

Republican National Convention: Day One

Photo: Getty Images

Two days in and the legitimacy of the candidate and his campaign had been not just questioned but utterly undermined. The only thing more astounding than the revelation was the lack of concern the Trump operation showed or, in concert, how little his supporters cared.

Meanwhile, the cover story for Melania Trump’s plagiarism had changed somewhere in the area of four separate times. It’d been a misunderstanding. A common mistake. A nonstory. Melania’s fault for writing the speech herself. And finally, mercifully, some speechwriter claimed responsibility, offered her resignation, but was given a reprieve.

The story dominated the news cycle even two days later, taking any and all attention away from the unbelievable tale Kasich had gift-wrapped for the media.

But there were other stories to tell. Like Trump Force One, Donald’s 757 campaign craft, coming in for a landing. All the news networks interrupted their coverage for close-ups of the plane entering the airspace. When it touched down, a delegate at the bar where I was having lunch and nursing an early beer applauded. Trump climbed out, said a few words with Pence, and then retreated to his private helicopter, also bearing his name, and choppered off for the city proper.

As the helicopter disappeared into the distance, he clapped again. “There he goes,” he yelled, “the next president of the United fucking States.” 

* * *  

Some with guns and some with cameras.

I’d been watching an argument between a man wearing a shirt that said you whore and his surrounding crowd, not to mention a whole host of other arguments in the vicinity. The altercations had devolved to the lowest common denominator. Ignorance and ad hominem attacks. Sullied and dirtied, I was mulling over whether people had a point when they said the system was beyond saving, that Trump represented a deep and buried psychological defect in the species, when a sound erupted, earning the attention of everyone in the vicinity.

Some ducked.

Some ran for cover.

I hustled across the street, listening to a nearby officer say into his walkie-talkie that he’d heard a gunshot.

A rush of people toward the sound, some with guns and some with cameras.

When we got there, we found a car with a blown tire, the driver outside smoking a cigarette while police changed the tire to get the flow of traffic moving again. Inside the car, in the passenger seat, a smiling man displayed his photo ID to journalists asking how to spell his name. The job was done and the driver returned to the wheel and drove off into afternoon traffic. The crowd cheered the police and shook their hands as they got back to work.

Let it be known: The assembled law enforcement in Cleveland, Ohio, were the only ones walking out of that mess with any dignity. Everybody else? Disgusting. The people antagonizing and harassing one another, the media gladly lapping it up, the Republican Party reveling in the slop its organization had become. The police were quick and well trained, and saved these people from themselves.

The only hiccup I saw came that afternoon when the revolutionary group from earlier returned for an impromptu flag burning and officers crashed into the crowd to arrest the perpetrator despite it being a constitutionally protected right. Some argued it constituted a fire hazard, while for others it was free speech, but in the aftermath things got hairy.

Just a few feet down the road, another spokesman for the group held court on the sidewalk, telling reporters and rubberneckers what they’d hoped to achieve—nothing less than a total overthrow of the system—before attempting to set fire to another flag. The police intervened again and this time clashed with the reporters covering the event, pushing them against barricades and parked cars.

A fleeting moment, perhaps, an excusable trespass in the face of so much chaos and madness. I left feeling sore about it anyway, or maybe it was the drink I’d left behind when the sprinting swarm had raced past the bar and I’d had to chase after them.

* * *   

Fuck Cruz.

Aside from a Mike Pence speech only notable for being unnotable— other than a woman who lingered next to me on the street, craning her neck and saying, “He’s a good, good man, I can tell . . . maybe he should be president”—the real action Wednesday night was Ted Cruz’s address to a divided Republican house.

Word had been spreading all week that a contingent of Cruz supporters, most of them wearing pins or medals bearing his campaign logo, had been making life hell for the pro-Trump crowd at every turn, including a tense moment when the Colorado delegation walked out of the convention following a contentious roll call that shut down the long-ballyhooed Never Trump movement in one fell swoop. Otherwise, Cruz supporters were throwing as many wrenches into the gears as they could find and generally making their disapproval known.

The hope, in Trump circles anyway, was that Cruz would step up to the microphone Wednesday night and put to rest any rumor of division or rancor, a hope Cruz toyed with for the duration of his address. At times, he seemed right on the precipice of endorsing Trump, and the speech was finely tuned to stoke expectations, and then, as it wound its way to conclusion, and when it became apparent he wouldn’t endorse Trump that night, the audience booed the living hell out of him.

Pence’s speech became an afterthought, even more so than it would’ve been anyway. In the bars and in the streets, all people could talk about was Cruz’s betrayal. “Fuck Cruz,” a man sitting at a nearby pub spit out, slapping the bar. A smiling female Cruz delegate passed by looking pleased, and the man repeated himself, saying, “Fuck Cruz,” and flipping her the bird.

* * *

I’ve always believed that when the devil’s at your door you have to tell him to get the fuck out.

Thursday morning began with more news: Trump had declared he wasn’t sure he’d honor all of America’s NATO commitments. Reaction in the armed forces community was swift as commanders and strategists alike condemned any insinuation that we wouldn’t continue to support the very organization that had been on the front lines of the Cold War against the Soviet Union.

Debate in the streets was less nuanced. Everywhere you turned, the residents of the polarized political spectrum were getting in their final licks. They argued about guns. Supply-side economics. Religion. Everything you could imagine.

Cleveland Prepares For Upcoming Republican National Convention

Photo: Getty Images

I was watching two men disagree about Israel and Palestine when I caught wind of a pair of Trump supporters in hillary sucks but not like monica and donald fucking trump shirts orbiting a man sitting on one of the square’s steps. The rhetoric was heated and personal.

“You’re a fucking scumbag,” one of them said, trying to intimidate the man.

“Come on,” the resting man said. “You’re not going to do shit to me.”

As the altercation got uglier, the men seemed to enjoy it more. They laughed to each other about the other man’s appearance, his perceived sexual orientation, called him a pedophile and shouted, “Everybody watch your kids, there’s a convicted pedophile over here!”

Afterward I talked to both parties.

The pair, Chris and Levi, were from Michigan and had driven down to antagonize protesters and for the Kid Rock concert that night. “This woman over here,” Levi said, gesturing to the man sitting feet away, “I’m trying to wake that idiot up. Soros is paying him and everybody else and they want my fucking money. They’re playing games and I want people to wake up. I don’t care if you puff peters or whatever, just get your hands off my paycheck.”

Jimi Giannatti, a photojournalist out of Tucson, said the incident began when he interrupted another confrontation across the square and the men followed him back to that spot. He said a friend of his had been assaulted at a Trump rally.

“I was at Kent State yesterday,” he said, “and getting yelled at by xenophobic, racist misogynists is nothing.”

Asked why he was here, he paused.

“I’ve always believed that when the devil’s at your door you have to tell him to get the fuck out.” 

* * *  

A Republican delegate… chatted with the bodyguards about the New World Order.

By design, Thursday was intended to be Donald Trump’s victory lap, a chance for the insurgent to stick it in the eye of the establishment one last time and revel in his victory. Similarly, the crew at Infowars, a newmedia empire based in Austin, Texas, and built on the potent brew of paranoia and mainline capitalism, enjoyed a comparable celebration in Cleveland. Alex Jones, the pope of American conspiracy theories, had built an unlikely bridge between his fringe organization and the nominee of a major political party, cementing the strangest partnership in recent memory.

The foundation was built by Roger Stone, a longtime Trump confidant and infamous Nixon ratfucker who did the old man’s dirty work with a smile on his face. Trump had gone so far as to appear on Jones’s show earlier in his campaign, and Jones had told those close to him that Trump had sought his counsel and was often pleasantly surprised to hear his words coming out of the candidate’s mouth.

Jones and Roger Stone were inseparable at the convention and held numerous rallies and events where members of the alt-right and preppers alike mingled and cheered on the destruction of the so-called globalist forces. They were inescapable. Walking down the sidewalk, you’d suddenly get beaten by Jones’s voice machine-gunning out of a nearby speaker, or see any of the numerous Infowars shirts, including the now notorious hillary for prison one that everyone, conspiracy loon or otherwise, sported in the street.

And then there were the operatives. You could hardly walk for running into wild-eyed young men carrying expensive camera rigs. They were at every protest event, filming the proceedings before interrupting by screaming random questions about Clinton’s emails, her ties to Saudi Arabia, her obvious lack of respect for the laws of the country.

The latest was a rally run by the female antiwar group Code Pink, where a man identifying himself as a veteran trained his camera on the group and yelled “Bill Clinton likes to bite women!” Quickly he gained the attention of men nearby who told him to shut up and then the eye of his camera was turned their way.

He was spotted again that afternoon at Roger Stone’s book signing on Media Alley, a bustling event where Stone, wearing a shirt calling Bill Clinton a rapist, partnered with Alex Jones in signing and addressing the adoring crowd. With a perimeter of ex-military bodyguards, Jones grinned ear-to-ear and delivered warnings to the global elite he and his supporters wanted to topple.

Next to me, a Republican delegate on her way back to the convention chatted with the bodyguards about the New World Order, an illuminati plot destined to take over the world and enslave the majority of its people. Jones has dedicated his entire life to fighting this perceived threat and pontificates how globalists lace the drinking water with fluoride to hamper resistance and other plots that, to most, sound paranoid at best, but not that delegate who bragged that she had helped Trump land the Republican nomination. She handed Jones a book and when it came back with his and Stone’s signature, she hugged it to her chest and said, “I love you guys.”

* * *

I watched a pair of supporters in the crowd raise their arms multiple times in an unabashed Nazi salute.

I’m not sure what I expected from Donald Trump’s acceptance speech. Walking from one protest to another, I’d read the transcript that’d been released to the press and found it to be the ugliest, darkest, most pessimistic view of America a candidate had probably ever offered from his party’s stage. It was pure Nixon, right down to Trump calling himself the candidate of “law and order,” only without Nixon’s limited charm.

But watching it live in the middle of a crowd of supporters, it felt like an unwavering nightmare of racism, anger, and unrelenting fascism. The biggest cheers came from the trumpeting of “America First,” a slogan that closely mirrored the popular “Britain First” slogan that preceded both Brexit and the murder of politician Jo Cox in England, a slaying before which the perpetrator screamed that very phrase. And when Trump was introduced, I watched a pair of supporters in the crowd raise their arms multiple times in an unabashed Nazi salute.

I was stunned. It was the type of gesture most Trump detractors could only assume his base would love to use, but here they were, in full view of the public, sieg-heiling the Republican nominee for president.

Maybe I was naïve. Just the night before, conservative talking head Laura Ingraham had made headlines by offering what looked like, from an angle, the very same salute. I’d seen her in a bar a few hours later. She’d walked in and headed toward the back, a table full of Republican county officials yelling, “There’s Laura Ingraham! You kicked its fucking ass tonight! Mic drop! Laura Ingraham in the house!”

Now there was no mistaking what I was watching. Even if there was a chance I had mistaken it the first time, they repeated the gesture when Trump assured the crowd: “I am your voice.”

The rest of the speech is a blur now. Just thinking about Trump lording over the street on the electronic board, his orange face contorted in rage as his supporters cheered rabidly and greeted him as a führer, is enough to bring back a sense of nausea. Afterward, they were cheering in the pubs and on the sidewalks.

In the distance, they set off fireworks that couldn’t be seen for the buildings lining the street. They boomed loudly, the sound echoing off the sides and rumbling like an angry god.

A man walking ahead of me shoved his friend. “I’ve been waiting for this fucking thing my entire fucking life.”

I thought of the caller from the radio show who’d feared the Republicans were going to burn Cleveland to the ground.

The caller had had it wrong.

They weren’t going to set any fires.

The fire had been burning for years.

* * *

 Excerpted from The People Are Going to Rise Like the Waters Upon Your Shore: A Story of American Rage, copyright © 2017 by Jared Yates Sexton. Reprinted by permission of Counterpoint Press.

Living Differently: How the Feminist Utopia Is Something You Have to Be Doing Now

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Lynne Segal | Verso | November 2017 | 32 minutes (8,100 words)

The following is an excerpt from Radical Happiness: Moments of Collective Joy, by Lynne Segal (Verso, November 2017). This essay is recommended by Longreads contributing editor Dana Snitzky.

* * *

The utopian novel had become one of the most effective means of frightening people off it.

It is sometimes said that the twentieth century began with utopian dreaming and ended with nostalgia, as those alternative futures once envisioned seemed by then almost entirely discredited. However, it was never quite so straightforward. The challenge to envisage how to live differently, in ways that seem better than the present, never entirely disappears.

The most prominent American utopian studies scholar, Lyman Tower Sargent, notes that dystopian scenarios increasingly dominated the speculative literary form as the twentieth century progressed. In the UK, the equally eminent utopian studies scholar Ruth Levitas concurs, pointing out, for instance, that as sociology became institutionalized in the academy, it became ‘consistently hostile’ to any utopian content.

What stands out in speculative fantasies of the future arising towards the end of the twentieth century are their darkly dystopic leanings, whether in books, cinema, comics or elsewhere. The best known would include the mass surveillance depicted in the Russian author Yevgeny Zamyatin’s satirical novel We (1921).

Set in the future, it describes a scientifically managed totalitarian state, known as One State, governed by logic and reason, where people live in glass buildings, march in step, and are known by their numbers. England’s Aldous Huxley called his dystopic science fiction Brave New World (1932), where again all individuality has been conditioned out in the pursuit of happiness. Bleaker still was George Orwell’s terrifyingly totalitarian 1984 (1945): ‘If you want a picture of the future,’ Orwell wrote in 1984, ‘imagine a boot stamping on a human face – forever.’

These imaginings serve primarily as warnings against futures that are often read, as with Zamyatin and Orwell, as condemnations of Soviet society. The happiness expressed in Huxley’s ‘utopic’ universe depicts a deformed or sinister version of the route where all utopias end up, as totalitarian regimes, in which free will is crushed. As the Marxist political scientist Bertell Ollman later noted: ‘From a means of winning people over to the ideal of socialism, the utopian novel had become one of the most effective means of frightening people off it.’

Post-1945, public intellectuals for the most part broadcast the view that democracy and utopic thinking were opposed, the latter declared both impossible and dangerous. The influential émigré and British philosopher of science Karl Popper argued in his classic essay ‘Utopia and Violence’ (1947) that while ‘Utopia’ may look desirable, all too desirable, it was in practice a ‘dangerous and pernicious’ idea, one that is ‘self‐defeating’ and ‘leads to violence’. There is no way of deciding rationally between competing utopian ideals, he suggested, since we cannot (contra Marxism) scientifically predict the future, which means our statements are not open to falsification and hence fail his test for any sort of reliability.

Indeed, accusations of ‘totalitarian’ thinking were the chief weapon of the Cold War, used by Western propaganda to see off any talk of communism. In the USA it was employed to undermine any left or labour movement affiliations, as through the fear and financial ruin inflicted upon hundreds of Americans hauled before Senator McCarthy’s House Un-American Activities Committee in the 1950s – over half of them Jewish Americans.

Nevertheless, suggesting how complicated and volatile moments of renewal can be, this passed into an all-too-brief moment of joyous hope that spanned the sparkling 1960s and, especially among women, continued well into the 1970s, before an even darker mood of imminent catastrophe took over across the political spectrum at the close of the twentieth century. The ’60s was the decade in which consumer markets were booming, with profits and wages both rising as social democracies consolidated their welfare systems, in determined repudiation of any need for workers’ revolution. The rise in oil prices and subsequent recession, which would pave the way for ideological and economic backlash from the right, determined to overturn social democratic reforms and union power, had yet to occur.

In the meantime, the twenty years of popular protest movements stretched from the rise of the New Left in 1956 to the beginning of the decline of such movements in 1976. This period encompassed student and workers’ occupations and confrontations, many of them determined to disrupt the prevailing order of just about everything, with joyful moments of political engagement very much to the fore.

The eyes of the world would be riveted on the three weeks of student and workers’ uprisings in France in May 1968. Yet there were other struggles that actually lasted far longer, as in Italy, where the combined labour, student and community struggles in Trento, Turin and Milan continued for eight years, making Italy’s unionized workforce the best protected and most democratically organized in Europe. Above all, the spirit of the ’60s rejected the authoritarianism, cultural conformity and extreme moderation of the post-war years, including that found within the Old Left, whether communist or social democratic.

The decades of restraint and respectability were replaced by a defiant commitment to direct action and participatory democracy, with the rise of collective resistance. It all fed into the vivid counter-culture of ‘free love’, music and play, producing its own alternative magazines, fashion, music, clubs, experimental theatre and living spaces, seeking a world dedicated to peace, the elimination of poverty, and all forms of discrimination. The most radical fantasists of May ’68 were recycling a slogan coined by the libertarian French Situationists: ‘Be realistic – demand the impossible!’

* * *

We want … to take the good aspects that we experience of our private lives and spread them around to invade and transform the public arena.

Though less enthralled with demanding the impossible, feminists in the women’s liberation movement resonated with another ’68 slogan, ‘Form Dream Committees’, as they began imagining anew how to change every aspect of life, whether rethinking the nature of domestic labour and the distribution of work, challenging all existing presumptions around gender, sexuality, intimacy and desire, or more generally striving to envisage differing cultural and economic structures.

Capturing the opening beat of second-wave feminism in the USA, the American poet Adrienne Rich affirmed optimistically that radical women were now ushering in a renaissance that would prove ‘far more extraordinary and influential in shifting perspectives than the earlier European Renaissance from theology to humanism’.

Yet, for quite a while, those of us once more identifying as feminist, myself included, were still ignorant about that earlier ‘awakening’ of women. It took years for us to excavate the buried diversity of proposals others had presented as the twentieth century kicked off. And, despite the intervening changes over the decades, so many of the dilemmas of the past re-emerged, simply because none of them had been solved. These included all the old impasses around women’s sexuality and reproductive rights, how to share caring among men, women and the wider community, how to secure equal training and wages for women, and what to do to end men’s violence against women, while at the same time fighting for a transformed democratic economic and social world, one attentive to existing differences and discrimination, where unpaid domestic work would be valued as highly as waged work.

As the British economist Sue Himmelweit suggested in What Is to Be Done About the Family? (1983), a book I edited: ‘We want … to take the good aspects that we experience of our private lives and spread them around to invade and transform the public arena, at the same time as getting public recognition of the political nature of personal relations … Visions of a future society have to … ensure that the production of things does not have more social importance than the production of people.’ Grand hopes!

Intentionally utopian, second-wave feminists were at first seen as, and often claimed to be, ‘demanding the moon’, yet before too long we had collected many victories in placing women’s issues onto government, trade union and left agendas. These agendas, almost always for the very first time, included demands on reproductive rights, domestic violence, sexual harassment, safety in the street, and much more. Our new awakening, like the old, not only produced an upsurge of activism on all fronts, but women’s widespread cultural blooming throughout the 1970s.

Women's Liberation Gathering

The Women’s Liberation movement on the 50th anniversary of women’s suffrage. Chicago, August 1970. (Getty Images)

We might be singing with ironic delight of women’s journey from dusting to dust, in the ‘Housewife’s Lament’, or consuming lesbian delights, reading Rubyfruit Jungle – ‘Oh, I wouldn’t say I was gay. I’d just say I was enchanted.’ At other times there was celebration of the distinct difference of women’s lives in the energy and wonder of black women’s writing and theatre, perhaps listening to Ntozake Shange’s words in For Colored Girls Who Have Considered Suicide when the Rainbow Is Enuf: ‘my spirit is too ancient to understand the separation of soul and gender / my love is too delicate to have thrown back on my face’. Many women were creating their own music, theatre, writings and visual displays, either collectively or individually. They were energized by the movement, as well as by the women’s publishing houses, poster workshops, alternative community presses, newspapers and theatre groups emerging around the world.

This accompanied experiments in collective living and the establishment of many other spaces for everyday resistance, including communes for shared child-raising, women’s centres, squatting advice centres and numerous other collective community spaces, many of which I participated in. Followers of Foucault would call these ventures ‘heterotopias’ – the production of shared spaces of ‘otherness’ through the disruption of the usual conventions. These alternative feminist, left adventures were local, yet through networks and campaigns for exchanging experiences they aimed to shift government policies as well.

* * *

Reject utopia as a blueprint while preserving it as a dream.

If usually more cautiously conceived than earlier utopian fantasy, being far from perfect or conflict-free, there was nonetheless some full-blown feminist utopian writing back then as well, fleshing out visions of alternative futures.

Perhaps the best-known and most successful example is Ursula Le Guin’s The Dispossessed (1974), which she herself described as an ‘ambiguous utopia’. In her complex fiction, the world of Anarres, unlike the others in the text she depicts, maintains itself without coercive institutions or governments, as a type of anarcho-syndicalist society. Yet this seemingly admirable society is not without economic hardship. Le Guin further depicts the dangers of stagnation, incipient hierarchies and centralized bureaucracies always threatening to emerge from within in the absence of the constant effort to maintain its socially based, less individualistic revolutionary ideology.

Similarly, Marge Piercy’s Women on the Edge of Time (1979) presents two parallel stories. The first describes the abusive situation of an impoverished and suffering Latina woman, Connie, incarcerated in a psychiatric ward in New York of the 1970s, who, along with other inmates, is trying to resist the presiding doctor’s scientific experiments. The second story grows out of Connie’s hallucinations, transported to a different world in the year 2137, where both race and gender oppression have been superseded and technology serves only to benefit the community – though it is a world still threatened by the encroachment of corporations from the outside. In Piercy’s utopic vision, the personal and political are interwoven: new forms of polyamorous intimacy emerge in a society where gender differences are no longer so significant, since malebodied people are able to produce milk and three co-mothers raise each child. Perhaps too faultless in conception, Piercy’s idyllic space is created precisely to contrast with the experience of the most injured and helpless women in capitalist society, juxtaposing as well the beneficial and oppressive uses of technology, while offering no necessary happy (or despairing) conclusion.

One point about these and other recent feminist utopias is that their authors were writing about potentially better futures, at the very same time as they were trying in their everyday lives to embody at least some of the aspects of the alternative, caring societies they depicted. This is why contemporary utopian theorists, such as Angelika Bammer and Tom Moylan, describe them as ‘partial’ or ‘critical utopias’. ‘They reject utopia as a blueprint while preserving it as a dream’, Moylan argues, knowing that trying to live differently will always be contingent and diverse, rather than conforming to any one pattern.

Alas, the initial confidence behind feminist activism inevitably diminished in the harsher political climate of the 1980s, when early gains were being followed by significant and continuing defeats for women overall. Our movement fragmented and shrank, then, along with the rest of the activist left, as the political tide turned against any form of redistributive politics.

The rise and rise of inequality from the close of the 1970s impacted especially hard on the women in low-paid (often caring) jobs, while gradually undermining the public resources that might be called upon for assisting those performing unpaid caring work at home. Thus, though more women now had paid jobs and an independent income, feminist dreams of making employment more compatible with home life were all largely negated – our demands for shorter working days and more social resources for all in need of care, along with democratic involvement in its provision, had all ended in defeat. As the working day continues to lengthen and insecurities on all sides deepen, research has comprehensively shown that it is women, globally, who are disproportionately disadvantaged by what have become continuing government cutbacks. Women’s individual struggles to maintain essential care and protection for their families and communities in this context often occur at the expense of their own wellbeing.

Suffrage Hay Wagon

Suffragists, 1914. (Getty Images)

As I argued in Making Trouble, ’70s feminists often hoped to live our whole lives in the shared embrace of an inclusive movement, working in solidarity with others to build a fairer world, while resisting both assertive individualism (long associated with ‘masculinity’, though hardly confined to men) and the depredations of market forces. Yet, even with hopes of changing the world receding in the last decades of the twentieth century, a less confident dissidence often remained, ready to be ignited or shared with younger generations, if and when opportunities arose. The once-optimistic Adrienne Rich, for instance, was now passionately condemning the inequality she saw accelerating since the 1980s, yet her lyrical protest and fierce yearnings for a better world remained as powerful as ever, expressed here a few years before she died:

Wherever I turn these days, I’m looking, as from the corner of my eye, for a certain kind of poetry whose balance of dread and beauty is equal to the chaotic negations that pursue us. Amid profiteering language, commoditizing of intimate emotions, and public misery, I want poems that embody … another principle. A complex, dialogic, coherent poetry to dissolve both complacency and despair.

* * *

The problem to be solved is that of breaking out of the windless present of the postmodern back into real historical time, and a history made by human beings.

Shards of hope lived on in most former activists and visionaries, along with continued agitation for better times, if more fragmented in form. Nevertheless, by the end of the twentieth century, apocalyptic scenarios had reappeared from the left and right alike, peaking in the largely politically stagnant 1990s.

It was Fredric Jameson who in the early 1990s wrote the oft-repeated adage, ‘Someone once said that it is easier to imagine the end of the world than it is to imagine the end of capitalism.’ It is less often recalled that he then added, even more dramatically: ‘We can now revise that and witness the attempt to imagine capitalism by way of imagining the end of the world.’ Vividly depicting ‘a situation in which the historical imagination is paralysed and cocooned, as though by a predator’s sting’, Jameson saw the then-reigning intellectual ‘postmodern’ nihilism as an expression that people could no longer see themselves as part of the making of history, or envisage anything other than an endless repetition of the world we now occupy: ‘The problem to be solved is that of breaking out of the windless present of the postmodern back into real historical time, and a history made by human beings.’

In the UK, certainly, much of the 1990s did feel stale and stuck. Governments globally were accepting rather than resisting the corporate conquest of state resources, apparently indifferent to the ballooning inequality. As Jameson noted, academic fashion seemed to mirror the same capitalist conceit that all previous grand narratives of change should be jettisoned, leaving us only to mourn, as many did, the radicalism of former times. Ignoring specific local sites of continued activism, such as the ultimately defeated Liverpool dockers’ strike of 1993, or the very significant mobilization of gay communities around HIV/AIDS, the often melancholic mood of the left in the 1990s suggested that all political communities and practices of solidarity had been vacated, with no solid social or political resources remaining for resistance.

The feminist anti-nuclear peace camp at Greenham Common was abandoned in 1991, after ten years of occupation. In the mid 1990s, the impressive feminist political theorist Wendy Brown argued in her book States of Injury (1995) that ‘our historically and culturally configured fears, anxieties, disorientation, and loss of faith about the future’ encourage the formation of ‘political identities founded upon a sense of personal injury, and the need for protection, rather than generating any more progressive political vision of the future’.

Whether hatched in Hollywood or popular culture generally, especially coming from North America, the dystopic imagination had become ubiquitous in fantasies of the future in the early twenty-first century. Such visions dominate blockbusters such as The Hunger Games, Divergent, The Maze Runner or Robocop; appeared in bestselling novels, including Cormac McCarthy’s The Road (2006), Margaret Atwood’s trilogy MaddAddam (2003–9), Dave Eggers’s The Circle (2013), Nathaniel Rich’s eerily prescient Odds Against Tomorrow (2013), Edan Lepucki’s California: A Novel (2014), or Chang-rae Lee’s Such a Full Sea (2014). Indeed, reviewing Such a Full Sea, Ursula Le Guin noted that over the last thirty years all literary writers, from whatever genre, were now visiting Dystopia and writing similar, rather dull books: nearly always a place where the privileged few live in total luxury, completely sequestered from the impoverished majority who are seen as wild and primitive. Yet in her view such situations were ‘too self-contradictory to serve as warning or satire’.

The American writer Adam Sternbergh, having himself ‘dipped into these murky waters’ in Shovel Ready, says more chillingly that ‘the biggest problem with imagining dystopia seems to be coming up with some future world that’s worse than what’s happening right now’, pointing to events such as the routine police shooting of unarmed black men in the USA, the Israeli army’s onslaughts on Gaza and the orchestrated brutality of ISIS. Sternbergh hopes that we have reached ‘peak dystopia’ as he throws out the challenge to his fellow writers: ‘If we can all conjure so many worlds gone wrong, it shouldn’t be beyond our reach to imagine a single world gone right’.

However, recalling Jameson’s words, we can see all too easily why these dystopic images remain ubiquitous: their consistent portrayals of a narrow, endlessly privileged few, who live in highly policed and segregated seclusion from the poor, excluded, disdained and fear-provoking masses on the outside – always trying to break in – can indeed be presented as a mirror of how we live now.

* * *

A world of barricades and partition, in which entire populations seem to be living – and dying – in a different history from mine.

We have only to open our eyes to the horrors facing those currently fleeing their homelands to escape the ravages of war or other types of breakdown, nowadays herded into nightmare camps or willing to board flimsy, overcrowded vessels putting their lives at risk. These are the migrants entering what Frances Stonor Saunders aptly calls ‘death zones, portals to the underworld, where explanations of identity are foreclosed’, adding in her heart-breaking essay ‘Where on Earth Are You?’: ‘I don’t understand the mechanisms by which globalization, with all its hype of mobility and the collapse of distance and terrain, has instead delivered a world of barricades and partition, in which entire populations seem to be living – and dying – in a different history from mine.’ Migrants fleeing war zones, seeking asylum or simply a better means of survival in the affluent West are indeed living a different history, in a different world, like those seeking entry to Britain and barely surviving in the wastelands of temporary shelters no sooner established than they are bulldozed down, as experienced by those struggling to survive in the Calais Jungle, including many children, travelling alone.

Sadly, I am not at all sure that we have reached peak dystopia, when the fictional imaginings seem to mirror the cruel realities for so many outside the increasingly fortified enclaves of privilege around the world. Neo-liberalism has had one remarkable success, despite all its own contradictions and disasters. Its extraordinary victory has been ideological: it has convinced so many that its version of predatory, corporate capitalism is inescapable; that political resistance is inevitable. Yet in reality, commercialism and market forces, however hegemonic, are never seamless. However, those spaces where alternative economic and social relations prevail are constantly muted out, making it harder to notice their potential for resistance or hope. Although we regularly hear from left theorists that ‘commodification has reached into every nook and cranny of modern life’, reshaping our consciousness and ‘private life’, others have questioned its totalizing grip on the present.

In Britain, the social scientist Colin Williams, for instance, not only questions such pessimism but reveals that even in the metropolitan heartlands of commodification ‘there exist large alternative economic spaces of self-provisioning … where the profit motive is absent’. Such non-commercial, even anti-commercial, practices can have symbolic value as sites of resistance to the assumption of inescapable commercialism.

Demonstrators At Women's March on Washington

The Women’s March on Washington, Washington DC, January 21, 2017. (Getty Images)

Similarly, the dissident Marxist feminists Katherine Gibson and the late Julie Graham have indicated that market transactions are never completely hegemonic when the overall economy consists of varying types of transactions. This is what feminists have always highlighted in revealing the variety and extent of unpaid care work. Gibson and Graham also mention other alternative economic practices, from gift giving and volunteering to barter and theft, alongside the occupation of public spaces, both for play and for socializing, as well as for nurturing a politics of defiance.

Certainly, searching for spaces of resistance and ways of keeping hope alive is what most contemporary utopian scholars say they are doing. They reject classical understandings of utopia offering blueprints for engineering human happiness, while applauding universal desires for a better way of living, closer to those of Morris or Carpenter. Thus, almost all the contemporary utopian theorists I have mentioned, especially Sargent and Levitas, align the concept of utopia not with final goals or end-points, but rather with desire: the collective longing for ‘the improvement of the human condition’, as well as the opening up of spaces ‘for public debate and democratic decision – insisting always on the provisionality, reflexivity and contingency of what we are able to imagine’. As Fredric Jameson also spells out, what they reject are any ‘single-shot solution to all our ills’, wanting instead ‘reflections on multiple fictional futures’ that just might ‘serve the quite different function of transforming our own present into the determinate past of something yet to come’.

Like most scholars reflecting on the present, such diverse theorists as Henri Lefebvre, Fredric Jameson or Russell Jacoby have drawn inspiration from the Jewish refugee and renegade Marxist Ernst Bloch and his three-volume The Principle of Hope (1954–59), affirming the significance of any form of expectant consciousness for imagining different futures. Written from his exile in the USA as he observed Nazi atrocities and the killing fields in Europe in the 1940s, he clung to threads of fantasy for conceiving of a different Europe, whether in children’s play or cultural productions of every kind, insisting that historical change lay in ‘the working, creating, human being who reshapes and overhauls the given facts’.

Similarly, in his equally prodigious prose, the heretical French Marxist Henri Lefebvre spent his long life, spanning most of the twentieth century, searching for antidotes to both left party dogmas and bourgeois ideology, exploring the cultural practices of ‘everyday life’: ‘The most extraordinary things are also the most everyday, the strangest things are often the most trivial’, he wrote in the opening volume of The Critique of Everyday Life (1961). Soon Lefebvre was both providing inspiration for, and rejoicing in, the writings of the French Situationists (such as Guy Debord’s ‘society of the spectacle’ or the Belgian writer Raoul Vaneigem’s ‘revolution of everyday life’).

Lefebvre also welcomed those students and workers who took to the streets in May ’68. His interest was to celebrate not only the collective joy and excitement of those days of revolution, but all attempts to ‘take back the city’ or decommodify urban spaces, as in the white bicycle practices of the anarchists of Amsterdam, the ‘Provos’. In such situations, space is not just a background canvas, but becomes constitutive of the utopian.

* * *

Making hope practical, rather than despair convincing.

Thus, even as neo-liberalism promotes its very own ‘utopian’ fantasy that everyone can succeed in life, despite grossly unequal beginnings, social movements arise determined to reclaim radical public spaces and overcome the personal isolation and misery neo-liberalism spreads in its wake. In our current ominous times, the question remains, to borrow the words of Raymond Williams: how are we to succeed ‘in making hope practical, rather than despair convincing’? The need is certain, as expressed by the North American cultural critic Henry Giroux, when he writes: ‘The growing lack of justice and equity in American society rises proportionately to the lack of political imagination and collective hope’. Clearly, nurturing hope requires paying attention to any and all sites of resistance and alternative practices whenever they arise, while always trying to broaden the space for political education that encourages democratic participation in political life.

Yet for more than two decades we have seen gusts of radical energy regularly breaking into ‘the windless present’, with their joyful moments of collective optimism, elation and sense of agency. Such coordinated resistance in Western democracies is often traced back to the international anti-corporate globalization movement, the World Social Forum (WSF), which emerged in Seattle in December 1999 out of the protests against the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) latest negotiations. Also known as the Global Justice Movement, the WSF has met annually since its first formal meeting in Porto Alegre in Brazil in 2001, meetings attended by civil society organizations and participants from movements around the world, both formal and informal. Its founding principles, articulated in Porto Alegre, firmly declared that ‘Another World Is Possible’, stating as its enduring goal to seek out and build alternatives to the current corporate globalization practices of neo-liberalism.

One well-known catalyst in the occupation of urban spaces that followed came from the massive street protests in Athens against the harsh effects of austerity in 2008 – imposed due to Greece’s inability to repay or refinance the government debt amassed within the common currency agreement of the European Union (EU). Following police violence and the death of a young student, widespread rioting spread quickly to other Greek cities. It lasted for several weeks, helping to generate solidarity protests across Europe. These protests were supported by and served to sustain what would eventually become the electoral success of Syriza, headed by Alexis Tsipras, which was founded in 2004 as a radical left party hoping to unite left groups and movement politics in one broad electoral coalition.

Come To The White House Sunday At 3'

Suffragists, Washington DC, 1915. (Getty Images)

Nevertheless, it was the protests in 2010–11 that really became part of a worldwide surge in global resistance, as Paul Mason captures vividly in his book, Why It’s Kicking Off Everywhere: The New Global Revolutions (2012). Least expected, and therefore of the greatest impact globally, were the spectacular uprisings that became known as the Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia in December 2010, before spreading to Oman, Yemen, Egypt, Syria, Morocco and continuing through the region over the next months. The most dramatic of these popular uprisings was the one that brought millions onto the streets in Egypt in January 2011, where they stayed until they overthrew their own Western-supported authoritarian ruler, Hosni Mubarak.

In Spain, the Indignados, as they became known, occupied Spanish squares in their millions in the summer of 2011. Before long some were to put their energies into political formations capable of contesting elections, and in particular into the left populist party Podemos, headed up by their popular figurehead Pablo Iglesias. Similarly, in cities across Portugal hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets, some of them affiliated with the broad radical party Left Bloc, which was, like Syriza and Podemos, a party more open to movement politics.

In the Middle East, tragically, a series of political manoeuvres would finally result in the head of the military, Abdel Fatah al-Sisi, gaining control of Egypt and re-instating a rather familiar form of repressive subjugation. In what some have referred to as the ‘Arab Winter’, the wave of initial revolutions and protests fighting for democratic reform faded the following year, as demonstrations were met with violent responses from authorities. The subsequent power struggles within the Arab world and the spread of fundamentalist Islamic militias, still murderously ongoing in Syria, has meant that only the uprising in Tunisia resulted in any sort of transition to constitutional democratic governance.

Nevertheless, it was the Arab Spring in particular that provided the greatest source of inspiration for the sudden appearance of other occupations around the globe, including the Occupy Wall Street protest in Zuccotti Park, which lasted for two months from September 2011. Occupations mushroomed around the globe, even outside St Paul’s Cathedral in London: ‘What would Jesus do?’ the squatters penned provocatively, knowing that Christianity’s founding Jewish rebel and prophet was no friend to money lenders and cared deeply about the poor, the sick, the discarded and destitute. It was the harsh austerity regimes imposed by the governments of Western democracies in order to refinance the banks that so angered these new activists, witnessing ever-deepening inequality while knowing that wealth kept right on flowing upwards into the pockets of the 1 per cent. ‘We are the 99 per cent’, was the popular chant of the Occupiers.

Whether all too briefly on the streets fighting tyranny and corruption in the Middle East, or denouncing the devastating effects of the financial crisis in the West, these protests all seemed potentially world shattering for those participating in them. Yet we know today that none of these disparate upsurges of resistance have achieved their goals, however forcefully they broadcast their message about the inequities and injustices of the present. Nevertheless, in Spain and Portugal the movements have found some level of representation at state and municipal levels (via Podemos and Left Bloc), or even, as in Greece, helping to elect Syriza to parliamentary victory.

Syriza came to power, as Tsipras hoped, with the assistance of the radical protest movement, its party colours standing for left, Green and movement politics. However, despite a national referendum rejecting capitulation to continuing austerity in 2015, the majority in Syriza have seen no alternative to remaining within the single currency, while so far failing to secure any significant debt relief from the EU’s banking institutions or to prevent imposition of the harshest austerity and forced sale of national assets.

* * *

This is not only a struggle about income disparity and corporate control of democracy. It is about corporate control of art, too, including the art of being alive.

A revolutionary multitude can indeed make an impact around the world and, at certain moments in history, overthrow dictators, but they cannot install progressive governments without the most strenuous coalition building in order to establish or connect with a political party that will implement their demands. Even then, as we see in Greece, nothing is guaranteed, at least not without powerful regional or other coalitions that might assist indebted nations to survive the imposition of punitive fiscal and market forces.

Still, there have been other small but significant victories coming from these movements of resistance. These include the number of women moving from lifetimes of radical activism into positions of significant authority, such as Manuela Carmena who was elected mayor of Madrid at seventy-one, in coalition with the anti-austerity party Podemos, in 2015. That same year, another movement radical Ada Calau, who had campaigned to protect householders in mortgage arrears, was elected mayor of Barcelona, representing a new ‘citizens’ movement’ backed by these new left parties.

But what matters most for those stressing the significance of a politics of hope over one of resignation or despair is primarily the consciousness acquired through the exhilarating joy of resistance itself, the sense of shared agency expressed in helping to build any alternative, autonomous spaces, for as long as they might last.

Women's march in New York

Women’s March, New York, January 21, 2017. (Getty Images)

It is important, too, to record the impact of these new movements upon older radicals who visited sites of protest and unexpectedly found their former faith restored. Thus, one of the earliest New York women’s liberationists, the late Roz Baxandall, who ventured into Zuccotti Park just five years before she died, found something to delight her: ‘The Occupiers have dreams and a vision, too: of a just, peaceful, diverse, democratic world, where democracy serves more than global capitalism and the greedy one percent.’ Similarly, Michael Taussig, an Australian anthropologist now living in New York, was busy taking notes during the months in which thousands of people occupied the park, describing his visits there as like going to a street fair: ‘There were so many smiling people, radiant with happiness, mixed with a few grim, concentrated ones … This is not only a struggle about income disparity and corporate control of democracy. It is about corporate control of art, too, including the art of being alive.’

Another anthropologist, the anarchist David Graeber, having been involved in protest networks for decades, remains even more certain that participation in moments of direct action and horizontal decision-making bring to life a new and enduring conception of politics, while providing shared hope and meaning in life, even if their critics see in the outcomes of these movements only defeat:

What they don’t understand is that once people’s political horizons have been broadened, the change is permanent. Hundreds of thousands of Americans (and not only Americans, but Greeks, Spaniards and Tunisians) now have direct experience of self-organization, collective action and human solidarity. This makes it almost impossible to go back to one’s previous life and see things the same way. While the world’s financial and political elite skate blindly towards the next 2008-scale crisis, we’re continuing to carry out occupations of buildings, farms, foreclosed homes and workplaces, organizing rent strikes, seminars and debtor’s assemblies, and in doing so laying the groundwork for a genuinely democratic culture … With it has come a revival of the revolutionary imagination that conventional wisdom has long since declared dead.

Discussing what he calls ‘The Democracy Project’, Graeber celebrates forms of political resistance that in his view move well beyond calls for policy reforms, creating instead permanent spaces of opposition to all existing frameworks. For Graeber, one fundamental ground for optimism is that the future is unknowable, and one can live dissident politics in the present, or try to. This is both despite, and also because of, the insistent neo-liberal boast that there can be no alternative to its own historical trajectory: which has become a linear project of endless growth and the amassing of wealth by the few, toil and the struggle for precarious survival for so many.

Furthermore, Graeber points out that historically, although few revolutionaries actually succeeded in taking power themselves, the effects of their actions were often experienced far outside their immediate geographical location. In a similar reflection on unintended consequences, Terry Eagleton suggests that even with the gloomiest of estimates in mind, many aspects of utopic thinking may be not only possible but well- nigh inevitable:

Perhaps it is only when we run out of oil altogether, or when the world system crashes for other reasons, or when ecological catastrophe finally overtakes us, that we will be forced into some kind of co-operative commonwealth of the kind William Morris might have admired.

Even catastrophism, one might say, has its potentials.

* * *

Impossible to operationalize at the scale of a metropolitan region, let alone for the 7 billion people who now inhabit planet earth.

It is the ongoing catastrophe of racism in the USA, so regularly resulting in police shootings of black men, which produced the vibrant radical movement Black Lives Matter in 2013, following the acquittal of the white vigilante George Zimmerman for his arbitrary murder of seventeen-year-old Trayvon Martin in Florida. The movement was initiated by a Facebook post written by activist Alicia Garza, which she calls ‘a love letter to black people’, in which she wrote ‘I continue to be surprised at how little black lives matter’, closing with the words ‘Black people. I love you. I love us. Our lives matter, black lives matter.’ Black activists quickly began spreading this message against police brutality and widespread virulent racism on social media, eventually resulting in mobilizations and dozens of groups forming across the USA. In recent years, the movement has regularly organized mass protests in cities across the country against the assault on black lives, which have had an international impact, while remaining a decentralized, non-hierarchical network.

Whether primarily defensive in nature, or determinedly alternative in the spaces they establish, I welcome those diverse campaigners who insist ‘another world is possible’, whatever the ups and downs of resistance. More people nowadays are aware of the enduring struggle of eco-warriors, especially via the moving words of writers such as Rebecca Solnit, surveying the overlooked resilience of activists around the world, often modelled on the Zapatistas in Mexico. Just as stirring are the books and lecture tours issuing from other environmental activists, such as Naomi Klein, with her increasingly influential insistence that we must shatter the deep denial around the imminent threat of climate change. The recent rise in support for Green Party politics, ecofeminism and other environmental movements all illustrate a significant resistance to the corporate agenda of endless growth, not only highlighting mounting environmental degradation, but conveying the possible pleasures of new patterns of ethical consumption.

In Britain, the philosopher Kate Soper has been at the forefront of arguments for an ‘alternative hedonism’, suggesting that the promotion of sustainable consumption is also a call for a more pleasant lifestyle. Resisting ubiquitous commercial promotion by moderating our patterns of consumption, Soper suggests, could enhance our more immediate ‘sensory pleasures through the enjoyment of better health, more free time, and a slower pace of living’. In this sense, those involved in the politics of consumption can be critical voices for rethinking the nature of happiness and wellbeing.

More generally, it is easy to applaud the open and egalitarian attempts to create what some now call ‘everyday utopias’, as explored recently by Davina Cooper in her survey of alternative spaces in the UK, spaces set up to enable people in the present to practise ‘the change they wish to encounter’. They may not always succeed, and Cooper details for instance the difficulties encountered in setting up a Local Alternative Trading Scheme first established up in the East Midlands. Here skills rather than money were exchanged for products and services, but tensions emerged due to the differing amounts of time people were willing or able to commit. Cooper’s point about utopian practices is that they are not trying to offer totally transformed spaces, since they are too connected to the world as it is now. Nevertheless they reflect transformations of thinking with some evidence that alternative practices are always possible, and often worth attempting.

Charlotte Despard

British suffragette Charlotte Despard addresses the crowd in Trafalgar Square during a Communist rally, 11th June 1933. (Getty Images)

Further afield, one finds other anti-consumer collectives, such as the ‘free shop’ Skoris in the neighbourhood of Exarcheia in Athens. The free shop was opened in 2009, a time when many people were finding it ever harder to survive the harsh deprivations of the global recession, in the hope of transforming certain patterns of private consumption into collective practices of exchange, while fostering ‘a sense of community and identity, which in turn paves the way for collective action’. Those who founded Skoris had earlier been involved in other forms of alternative producer and consumer cooperatives and exchange practices, including solidarity trading with the Zapatistas and other radical producers, as well as supporting the ongoing squats of private and public spaces in the years after 2008 as ‘ruptures and cracks’ began appearing across Greece. These were the years in which the autonomous Greek left confronted the ever-mounting economic and political crisis via ‘forms of utopian praxis from below rather than parliamentary (Syriza- style) politics’.

Yet, while welcoming the significance of subversive utopian practices in revealing possibilities for change, at least for some, however little or large and however uncertain their futures, I remain more cautious about their political impact. I am always looking out for ways of linking any particular radical demands or practices with the solidarity and alliance necessary to build even stronger bases of resistance, one capable of pressuring governments and international bodies to fight against corporate capitalist interests for genuinely redistributive policies. Celebrating the participatory democracy on display in Zuccotti Park, for instance, David Harvey touches on some of these issues in Rebel Cities, when he writes: ‘Principles are frequently advanced – such as “horizontality” and “non- hierarchy” – or visions of radical democracy and the governance of the commons, that can work for small groups but are impossible to operationalize at the scale of a metropolitan region, let alone for the 7 billion people who now inhabit planet earth.’

* * *

We need to be aware that genuine democracy is itself a utopian ideal, which does not undermine its significance.

It is always obviously daunting to envisage moving on from the urgent particular to elaborate any broader, let alone global, perspective. Moreover, as many experienced feminists know so well, even within a single movement, conflicts and tensions around disclosing the many divisions between us can hasten the end of any notion of a movement’s unity – intersected as they are by hierarchies of race, class, sexuality, religious affiliation, age, physical capacity and more. From the input of women of colour, queer women and all those organizing around their distinct struggles, sometimes with other women, we found this out before academic feminists applied deconstructive tools to interrogate all identity formations and to question who is excluded in the maintenance of any collective belongings.

It was also clear that the absence of formal leadership never entirely eliminates the problems of hierarchy, however informal, that arise with differing levels of confidence, eloquence or defensiveness within a community. The result tends to be that some people rather than others participate more easily and gain greater respect and influence, excluding others who more often than not are traditionally more disadvantaged. This can lead to the emergence of conflicts and sectarian divisions, making any form of consensus building impossible. As the American Jo Freeman complained in her influential essay, ‘the tyranny of structurelessness’ is a constant threat. We need to be aware that genuine democracy is itself a utopian ideal, which does not undermine its significance. Having for decades surveyed women’s role globally in leading grass-roots struggles of resistance, demanding basic ‘democratic rights’ for food, shelter and healthcare, or resisting tyranny and violence, the impressive American feminist scholar Temma Kaplan writes:

Despite democracy’s many failures, it remains a stirring dream, a fantasy, an ideal that has taken various institutional forms over time and generated hopes for creating equitable social, economic, and political arrangements now and in the future.

Whatever the strengths and shortcomings of direct democracy and decision-making by consensus, it will always be necessary to keep listening out for silenced voices, always important to work to extend and refresh forms of democratic engagement. Thus, we need to keep seeking alliance and solidarity, wherever we can find them – however outrageous, strange or quirky. This is because people are drawn into collective resistance in a multitude of unpredictable ways, usually fighting for shared personal issues rather than energized by formal political parties, whether mainstream or radical. We saw this in the sudden appearance of SlutWalks, protests arising to counter the policing of women’s dress and behaviour, denouncing violence against women and the continuing ubiquity of rape-cultures. These walks caught on in city after city around the globe, and emerged as one of the most successful and creative forms of feminist action of the past twenty years. New forms of resistance are also evident in the vibrant organizing of trans activists against the repressive gender norms that have stifled them and triggered the violence they have routinely suffered. This has been expressed in the creation of safe queer or trans spaces in recent years, alongside the words to speak of the complexities of non-gendered positions and small legal and other victories conferring greater social recognition.

Equally, however, we need to maintain support for the most progressive party formations, whether through membership or looser alliances, even knowing the compromises necessary in the treacherous terrain of seeking and maintaining electoral success. Both national and transnational progressive alliances, at government levels, will surely be necessary if we are ever going to see a fairer distribution of the world’s resources, and less environmentally polluting uses of them.

This thought is clearly why the two ageing socialist politicians, Bernie Sanders and Jeremy Corbyn, unexpectedly proved lightning rods for left radicals, old and, especially, young. Corbyn’s winning the leadership of the Labour Party so decisively in September 2015 was such a joyful victory for many on the radical left, with his jubilant acceptance speech: ‘We don’t have to be unequal, it doesn’t have to be unfair, poverty isn’t inevitable’, before racing off to Parliament Square to address a pro-refugee rally.

Corbyn managed to attract a membership that turned Labour into the largest social democratic party in Europe. However, his history of left militancy, combined with his lack of experience in party leadership and unfamiliarity with the cunning diplomatic skills for maintaining unity, meant Corbyn from the beginning faced unrelenting attacks from across the media, determined to delegitimize him, as well as from many of his own MPs. It all highlights again, for me, the urgency of building coalition politics with all progressive forces.

* * *

It means trying to live differently in the here and now.

It should come as no surprise that most of the goals we dream of will usually elude us, at least partially. However, to confront rather than accept the evils of the present, some utopian spirit is always necessary to embrace the complexity of working, against all odds, to create better futures. A wilful optimism is needed, despite and because of our inevitable blind-spots and inadequacies, both personal and collective.

For many of us, it means trying to live differently in the here and now, knowing that the future will never be a complete break with the present or the past, but hopefully something that may develop out of our most supportive engagements with others. To think otherwise inhibits resistance and confirms the dominant conceit that there is no alternative to the present. Thus, I want to close this chapter repeating the words of the late Latin American writer, Eduardo Galeano, which seem to have been translated into almost every language on earth, though I cannot track down their source:

Utopia is on the horizon. I move two steps closer; it moves two steps further away. I walk another ten steps and the horizon runs ten steps further away. As much as I may walk, I’ll never reach it. So what’s the point of utopia? The point is this: to keep moving forward.

Our political dreams can end in disappointment, but are likely, nevertheless, to make us feel more alive, and hence happier, along the way, at least when they help to connect us to and express concern for those around us. Happiness demands nothing less.

* * *

From Radical Happiness: Moments of Collective Joy, copyright © 2017 Lynne Segal. Published by Verso Books.

The Thing about Women from the River Is That Our Currents Are Endless

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Terese Marie Mailhot | Heart Berries | Counterpoint | February 2018 | 11 minutes (3,098 words)

Terese Marie Mailhot’s powerful, lyrical memoir is about a member of the Salish tribe reckoning with her past and mapping her future. 

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Indian Condition

My story was maltreated. The words were too wrong and ugly to speak. I tried to tell someone my story, but he thought it was a hustle. He marked it as solicitation. The man took me shopping with his pity. I was silenced by charity — like so many Indians. I kept my hand out. My story became the hustle.

Women asked me what my endgame was. I hadn’t thought about it. I considered marrying one of the men and sitting with my winnings, but I was too smart to sit. I took their money and went to school. I was hungry and took more. When I gained the faculty to speak my story, I realized I had given men too much.

The thing about women from the river is that our currents are endless. We sometimes outrun ourselves. I stopped answering men’s questions or their calls.

Women asked me for my story.

My grandmother told me about Jesus. We knelt to pray. She told me to close my eyes. It was the only thing she asked me to do properly. She had conviction, but she also taught me to be mindless. We started recipes and lost track. We forgot ingredients. Our cakes never rose. We started an applehead doll — the shrunken, carved head sat on a bookshelf years after she left.

When she died nobody noticed me. Indian girls can be forgotten so well they forget themselves.

My mother brought healers to our home, and I thought she was trying to exorcise me — a little ghost. Psychics came. Our house was still ruptured. I started to craft ideas. I wrapped myself in a Pendleton blanket and picked blueberries. I pretended I was ancient. A healer looked at me. He was tall and his jeans were dirty.

He knelt down. I thought I was in trouble, so I told him that I had been good. He said, “You don’t need to be nice.”

My mother said that was when I became trouble.

That’s when my nightmares came. A spinning wheel, a white porcelain tooth, a snarling mouth, and lightning haunted me. My mother told me they were visions.

“Turn your shirt backward to confuse the ghosts,” she said, and sent me to bed.

My mother insisted that I embrace my power. On my first day of school I bound myself a small book. The teacher complimented my vocabulary, and my mother told me school was a choice.

She fed me traditional food. I went to bed early every night, but I never slept well.

I fell ill with tuberculosis. Mother brought back the healers. I told them my grandmother was speaking to me.

Zohar, a white mystic, a tarot reader, told me she spoke to spirits, too. “Your grandmother says she misses you,” she said.

“We could never make a cake,” I said.

“She was just telling me that. What ingredient did you usually forget?” Zohar asked.

I knew this was a test, but a strange one, because she didn’t speak to my grandmother either. I remember my mother was watching us, holding her breath.

“Eggs,” I said.

My spiritual fraud distanced my grandmother’s spirit from me. It became harder to stomach myself, and harder to eat.

“Does that happen to you,” I said.

“What?” Zohar asked.

“Did you ever want to stop eating?”

“No,” she said.

Zohar asked my mother if she could sleep next to my bed, on the floor. She listened to me all night. Storytelling. What potential there was in being awful. My mindlessness became a gift. I didn’t feel compelled to tell any moral tales or ancient ones. I learned how story was always meant to be for Indian women: immediate and necessary and fearless, like all good lies.

My story was maltreated. I was a teenager when I got married. I wanted a safe home. Despair isn’t a conduit for love. We ruined each other, and then my mother died. I had to leave the reservation. I had to get my GED. I left my home because welfare made me choose between necessities. I used a check and some cash I saved for a ticket away — and knew I would arrive with a deficit. That’s when I started to illustrate my story and exactly when it became a means of survival. The ugly truth is that I lost my son Isadore in court. The Hague Convention. The ugly of that truth is that I gave birth to my second son as I was losing my first. My court date and my delivery aligned. In the hospital, they told me that my first son would go with his father.

“What about this boy,” I said, with Isaiah in my arms.

“They don’t seem interested yet,” my lawyer said.

I brought Isaiah home from the hospital, and then packed Isadore’s bag. My ex-husband Vito took him, along with police escorts. Before they left, I asked Vito if he wanted to hold his new baby. I don’t know why I offered, but he didn’t kiss our baby or tell him goodbye. He didn’t say he was sorry, or that it was unfortunate. Who wants one boy and not another?

It’s too ugly — to speak this story. It sounds like a beggar. How could misfortune follow me so well, and why did I choose it every time?

I learned how to make a honey reduction of the ugly sentences. Still, my voice cracks.

I packed my baby and left my reservation. I came from the mountains to an infinite and flat brown to bury my grief. I left because I was hungry.

In my first writing classes, my professor told me that the human condition was misery. I’m a river widened by misery, and the potency of my language is more than human. It’s an Indian condition to be proud of survival but reluctant to call it resilience. Resilience seems ascribed to a human conditioning in white people.

The thing about women from the river is that our currents are endless.

The Indian condition is my grandmother. She was a nursery teacher. There are stories that she brought children to our kitchen, gave them laxatives, and then put newspaper on the ground. She squatted before them and made faces to illustrate how hard they should push. She dewormed children this way, and she learned that in residential school — where parasites and nuns and priests contaminated generations of our people. Indians froze trying to run away, and many starved. Nuns and priests ran out of places to put bones, so they built us into the walls of new boarding schools.

I can see Grandmother’s face in front of those children. Her hands felt like rose petals, and her eyes were soft and round like buttons. She liked carnations and canned milk. She had a big heart for us kids. She transcended resilience and actualized what Indians weren’t taught to know: We are unmovable. Time seems measured by grief and anticipatory grief, but I don’t think she even measured time.

Indian Sick

They moved my release, and they want me to stay the full seven days, which means I’ll miss Christmas Eve with my son. I wish I could exchange my time with Laurie. She’s being released today. She told me that if she had insurance they would have kept her in the hospital, and that they’re keeping me longer because I have good insurance. I can’t say she’s wrong because an insurance representative works with my psychiatrist concerning my release and my progress.

I’m upset to stay here longer than I expected. But I think I like these walls. It feels artificial but good. The psychiatrist likes to speak to me more than she does the other women. She calls me in, and sometimes our discussions become more general and conversational. She wants to know whether I’ve considered contacting you after this. I told her that I don’t believe you’re a hindrance, and that I am not prideful in love.

“He isn’t telling me to leave him alone,” I said.

“You’re an intelligent and attractive woman. I doubt that this is easy for either of you,” she said.

“I think I could leave him alone.”

She gives me the full report of my conditions. I have post-traumatic stress disorder, and an eating disorder, and I have bipolar II.

“When you get out I hope you have a good Christmas,” she said.

The girl with the tight braids, Jackie, keeps looking at me and saying that something isn’t right. I ask her if I have crazy eyes, and she says no. She talks to me all day and French braids my hair. She likes to drink, and she doesn’t know why I can’t just find another man. “I guess it is that easy,” I say. “If I wasn’t sentimental.” She only dates thugs, she says. She runs down the ways she meets men, and it sounds exhausting.

Jackie encourages me to eat, and the things I’ve eaten today were reasonable. There was rice pilaf and broccoli, and I still drank the prune juice the cafeteria workers put aside for me.

I weigh a hundred and twenty-six pounds now. It is progress that I know my weight is not the issue. Still, I’ve obsessively weighed myself, and it’s inconvenient for the nurses because they have to escort me to and from the gym before meals.

On Christmas, I wake up at four in the morning. The nurses let me sit by a window, and I look out at the highway and imagine that the people driving to work are good. I feel like I could master containment that way.

Josue came from behind me and tapped me with an envelope.

“You’re getting out today,” he said.

“Santa,” I said.

“Can I give you a hug?” he asked.

He hugged me until the tension in my back relaxed. His Christmas card simply said that I had talent, and that part of what makes me a good person is that I can be struck by emotion. He also included the picture of me he took.

It’s an Indian condition to be proud of survival but reluctant to call it resilience. Resilience seems ascribed to a human conditioning in white people.

I’ve been released, but I am not better. I can’t work, and I won’t leave the house. Outpatient treatment: Because I am not crazy enough to be sedated in a madhouse. They think I’m better. I am a cat in heat — something my mother would say. I am unraveling in the dark kitchen. I am scattering my wet eyes looking for signs or something significant. I am incorrigible when I’m like this. I wish I could do anything but stand alone in a dark kitchen without you.

Every Christmas after Grandmother died, my mother locked herself in her room to cry. We always stood on the other side of her door, looking at each other as if she might never stop crying. Some years she didn’t come out until the morning. Some years she came out with red eyes, and she could barely speak. She’d motion to get the presents from under the tree. We passed them around, and I can’t remember a single present I ever received.

I lock myself away as she does. Some things seem too perfectly awful.

I only have crude things to say to you. I won’t fuck you anymore so it can mean less. I might be gone, but you can still see me with a black light in your mattress. There is permanence in physical craft. Laura isn’t absorbed in any beds. She barely perspires. She requires twenty-four-hour protection from her own scent. She keeps her bra on. She wears practical clothes. Her fleeces and cargo pants and that smell of non-scented goat’s milk lotion for dry skin — that must do something for you.

My body left resonance that can’t be dismantled or erased. I don’t know if men think about what seduction is. It was reading the work you love, and buying clothes, and making polite conversation with your friends—convincing your mother that I could mother you like she does. It was laying warm towels across my legs before I shaved so that when you touched me, I was soft. It was withholding from you at the right times, and listening to you with my eyes and ears. I worked hard to assert intent on your bed and your body. I’ve soiled all beds for you with my wanting and preparation. I prepared myself for you as if I wasn’t working as a server, going to college, or raising Isaiah. The weight and the dust of me are in every thread of your mattress. Love is tactile learning, always, first and foremost.

When you loved me it was degrading. Using me for love degraded me worse. You should have just fucked me. It was degenerative. You inside me, outside, then I leave, then I come back, get fucked, you look down at me and say, “I love you. I love you.” I go home and degenerate alone. The distinctness of my bed and its corners are fucked by my fucking you. My agency is degraded. For comfort, I remember my hospital bed and the neutrality of the room I had. I was safe from myself and from you. I’m stupid, waiting for the phone to ring, thinking you might call. I’d drive to you and be no better for it.

I want my grandmother’s eyes on me. I thought unseeing would be a cruel game to play with myself. But now I am reading the dark and knowing how my feet drag on every inch — feeling monstrous and tired. I’d like to have familiarity back, but all I see now is my father’s body over my mother, whose body is boneless like a rabbit’s. I’ve descended into my earliest memory. It is too horrible to know, and no work of unseeing will remove him from me, or turn the lights on in the kitchen. How could someone like you ever be on the other side of the door—on the other side of this?

I Know I’ll Go

After my mother died, I went to find him. He lived in a town called Hope. He had a new family, and our van sat on his front lawn on bricks. When he answered the door, he told me he knew who I was. He had a thin, dirty white shirt on. He looked ill, and his face was gaunt. His hair was still black in some parts.

His wife, Winnie, was my older sister’s childhood friend. My father had met her when she was a girl, visiting my sister. After years with Ken, her front teeth were gone. She smiled at me and said my father had old videotapes of theater work I had done in the community. I had five new brothers, so young. They looked like the archetypes my own family had formed in the presence of my father. I found myself in the youngest child, who formed bonds too quickly and needed holding.

I know that the whole rez was watching, even my sister, who knocked on my door after he left to look me in my eyes so I could see that I betrayed her.

My father and I sat across from each other in lawn chairs in his basement. I resisted the urge to sit poised like him. Instead, I held bad posture and slunk in my chair.

“You have my nose,” he said.

I said I missed him, feeling awful that it was true.

“The best thing I could do was leave.”

“I know,” I said.

“Your mother was a good woman. I told her I was an asshole, and she took me in — like a wounded bear.”

“I know,” I said.

A month after this, he showed up at my house with a white documentary filmmaker. I answered the door but could not let him in the house. My brother Ovila was still scared of him, still angry and confused.

“They’re doing a documentary about me,” he said. “About my art.”

I was anxious, standing there with him at my door.

“I know,” he said. “I’ll go.”

I hugged him in my driveway. I know that the whole rez was watching, even my sister, who knocked on my door after he left to look me in my eyes so I could see that I betrayed her. Even she, who was as tall as him, and bigger, had to come to my door with backup. Even she was scared of him. I didn’t know any better back then.

The National Film Board of Canada debuted the documentary as a piece with immediacy and no external narrative. I’m a woman wielding narrative now, weaving the parts of my father’s life with my own. I consider his work a testimony to his being. I have one of his paintings in my living room. “Man Emerging” is the depiction of a man riding a whale. The work is traditional and simplistic. Salish work calls for simplicity, because an animal or man should not be convoluted. My father was not a monster, although it was in his monstrous nature to leave my brother and I alone in his van while he drank at The Kent. Our breaths became visible in the cold. Ken came back to bring us fried mushrooms. We took to the bar fare like puppies to slop.

His smell was not monstrous, nor the crooks of his body. The invasive thought that he died alone in a hotel room is too much. It is dangerous to think about him, as it was dangerous to have him as my father, as it is dangerous to mourn someone I fear becoming.

I don’t write this to put him to rest but to resurrect him as a man, when public record portrays him as a drunk, a monster, and a transient.

I wish I could have known him as a child in his newness. I want to see him with the sheen of perfection, with skin unscathed by his mistakes or by his father’s. It’s in my nature to love him. And I can’t love who he was, but I can see him as a child.

Before my mother died I asked her if he had ever hurt me.

“I put you in double diapers,” she said. “There’s no way he hurt you. Did he ever hurt you?”

“No,” I said.

If rock is permeable in water, I wonder what that makes me in all of this? There is a picture of my brother, Ovi, and me next to Dad’s van. My chin is turned up, and at the bottom of my irises there is brightness. My brother has his hand on his hip, and he looks protective standing over me. I know, without remembering clearly, that my father took this picture and that we loved each other. I don’t think I can forgive myself for my compassion.

***

From Heart Berries: A Memoir by Terese Marie Mailhot. Our thanks to Mailhot and Counterpoint for sharing it with the Longreads community. Published by Counterpoint. Copyright © 2017 by Terese Marie Mailhot. All rights reserved.

How Lobbyists Normalized the Use of Chemical Weapons on American Civilians

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Anna Feigenbaum | An Excerpt from: Tear Gas: From the Battlefields of WWI to the Streets of Today | Verso | November 2017 | 22 minutes (6,015 words) 

* * *

Just as some in Europe argued that chemical weapons were a mark of a civilized society, for General Fries war gases were the ultimate American technology.

With his thick moustache and piercing, deep-set eyes, General Amos Fries’s passion shone through as he spoke. In a 1921 lecture to military officers at the General Staff College in Washington, DC, Fries lauded the Chemical Warfare Service for its wartime achievements. The US entered the chemical arms race “with no precedents, no materials, no literature and no personnel.” The 1920s became a golden age of tear gas. Fries capitalized on the US military’s enthusiastic development of chemical weapons during the war, turning these wartime technologies into everyday policing tools. As part of this task Fries developed an impressive PR campaign that turned tear gas from a toxic weapon into a “harmless” tool for repressing dissent.

Manufacturers maneuvered their way around the Geneva Protocol, navigating through international loopholes with ease. But these frontier pursuits could not last forever. The nascent tear gas industry would come to face its biggest challenge yet, in the unlikely form of US senators. In the 1930s two separate Senate subcommittees were tasked with investigating the dodgy sales practices of industrial munitions companies and their unlawful suppression of protest.

General Fries’s deep personal commitment to save the Chemical Warfare Service won him both allies and critics, often in the same breath. Already known for his staunch anticommunism and disdain for foreigners of all kinds, Fries was an unapologetic proponent of military solutions for dissent both at home and abroad. A journalist for the Evening Independent wrote that Fries was often “accused of being an absolute militarist anxious to develop a military caste in the United States.” But to those who shared his cause, Fries was an excellent figurehead for Chemical Warfare. A family man, a dedicated soldier, and a talented engineer, Fries was the perfect face of a more modern warfare.

Just as some in Europe argued that chemical weapons were a mark of a civilized society, for General Fries war gases were the ultimate American technology. They were a sign of the troops’ perseverance in World War I and an emblem of industrial modernity, showcasing the intersection of science and war. In an Armistice Day radio speech broadcast in 1924, Fries said, “The extent to which chemistry is used can almost be said today to be a barometer of the civilization of a country.” This was poised as a direct intervention to the international proposal for a ban on chemical weapons, as preparations for the Geneva Convention were well under way. If chemical weapons were banned, Fries knew it would likely mean the end of the CWS—and with it his blossoming postwar career.

* * *

A full-scale multimedia marketing campaign to promote ‘war gases for peace time use.’

To save the CWS from extinction, Fries would need his own army—one that would fight with rhetoric and social capital. On August 9, 1919, Fries wrote anxiously to his friend and colleague Major Charles Richardson, who had also served in the war. After clearing up the issue of a bedroll thought to be lost at their last visit to the Yale Club, the general moved on to more pressing matters: “The Chief of Staff is trying to kill the Chemical Warfare Service.” While Fries wanted to see the military’s new interests in chemical weapons expand, there were others in the military who thought it unnecessary and wasteful to keep the division alive. Now a corporate executive, Richardson responded to Fries with some sound business advice: “Use your utmost endeavours to get engineer societies, lawyers, doctors, or any other professional you wakened to the gravity of the situation.”

William H. Chadbourne, a lawyer and former major in the CWS, joined the campaign efforts. On August 12, 1919, he wrote to Fries, “It is time for all of us to get together who realise the importance of gas warfare and the danger that this country may be caught napping again.” Fries promptly responded by putting Chadbourne to work: “Anything you can do to aid in letting Congress know that a lawyer is considered to have at least as much brains as an infantryman, will, incidentally, help the Chemical Warfare Service.”

Over the autumn of 1919, Fries worked with Chadbourne and Richardson to secure a network of publicists, scientists, and politicians to rally for their cause. They strategically began a full-scale multimedia marketing campaign to promote “war gases for peace time use.” On September 23, 1919, Chadbourne sent Fries an outline of the proposed promotional plan he and Richardson had devised, which included the creation of an association to bring briefs before the Military Affairs Committees of the House and Senate as well as to “get in touch with various scientific and other bodies.” Second, it called for arranging for writers and publishers to cover stories on the benefits of chemical weapons, led by Major Popp, “an enthusiast” and “hard worker” with “good manner and address.”

The trade press provided the first and largest forum for the spread of the tear gas gospel. In the November 6, 1921, issue of Gas Age Record, Theo M. Knappen profiled Fries, the “dynamic chief” of the Chemical Warfare Service. Knappen wrote that Fries had

given much study to the question of the use of gas and smokes in dealing with mobs as well as with savages, and is firmly convinced that as soon as officers of the law and colonial administrators have familiarized themselves with gas as a means of maintaining order and power there will be such a diminution of violent social disorders and savage uprising as to amount to their disappearance … The tear gases appear to be admirably suited to the purpose of isolating the individual from the mob spirit … he is thrown into a condition in which he can think of nothing but relieving his own distress. Under such conditions an army disintegrates and a mob ceases to be; it becomes a blind stampede to get away from the source of torture … Nobody can travel very fast in a narrow street or in the midst of obstacles with streams of burning tears flowing from his eyes … An advantage of the milder form of gas weapons in dealing with a mob is that the responsible officer need not hesitate to use his weapons.

In the future, Knappen predicted, when breaking up a demonstration, tear gas “will be the easy way and the best way.”

This early promotional writing struck a careful balance between selling pain and promising harmlessness. Its psychological impact set tear gas apart from bullets: It could demoralize and disperse a crowd without live ammunition. Through sensory torture, tear gas could force people to retreat. These features gave tear gas novelty value in a market where only the billy club and bullets were currently available. Officers could disperse a crowd with “a minimum amount of undesirable publicity.” Instead of lasting traces of blood and bruises, tear gas evaporates from the scene. Its damage promised to be so much less pronounced on the surface of the skin or in the lens of the camera.

* * *

Fries and his team dismissed veterans’ testimonies, claiming these were exaggerated tales.

But the idea of transforming wartime weapons for peacetime use was not without its critics. In a 1922 letter to the New York Times, US Army veteran A. Reid Moir argued that gas was not only inhumane but “hellish.” He wrote, “Is it humane to lie in excruciating pain, with stomach swollen by the expansion of gas, and with lungs eaten by the deadly vapor to cough up one’s life in an agonizing convulsion[?]” Fries’s team had carefully constructed comebacks for such objections. Borrowing loosely from medical statistics, Fries and his team constructed a trio of retorts. War gases, they claimed, killed only one-twelfth the amount of fatalities caused by bullets. Second, only half of disability discharges were from gas. Finally, they argued that there was no medical proof of permanent injury from gas exposure and that serious injuries were very rare.

Twisting the numbers, Fries and his team dismissed veterans’ testimonies, claiming these were exaggerated tales. They went so far as to publicly declare that “every imposter is beginning to claim gassing as the reason for his wanting War Sick benefits from the government.” This approach provided the groundwork for the decades of legitimizing less lethal weaponry to come.

US-CRIME-POLICE-RACE-UNREST

Ferguson, Missouri, November 24, 2014. Photo credit: Michael B. Thomas/AFP/Getty Images

Never far from Fries’s lenient use of statistics were his colonial rationalizations. Fries’s writing and speeches are littered with references to white supremacy. In his lecture at the General Staff College, Fries told young soldiers, “The same training that makes for advancement in science, and success in manufacture in peace, gives the control of the body that hold the white man to the firing line no matter what its terrors. A great deal of this comes because the white man has had trained out of him nearly all superstition.” It is this training, for Fries, that sets him apart from the “negro” as well as the “Gurkha and the Moroccan.”

While it would be easy to write Fries off as an anticommunist, racist, and military extremist, the potency of his views arose from his intellect as much as his ignorance. After graduating seventh in his class from West Point in 1898, Fries had entered the academy by acing an exam held by Congressman Binger Herman and went on to impress his superiors and inspire his army subordinates. In the words of his peers, Fries took a situation in which “the entire civilian population,” as well as the army, stood against his pro-gas campaign and ignited in people an “earnest conviction” that these chemicals were the solution to law enforcement and political control in a time of economic depression. Instead of being seen as a form of physiological and psychological torture, tear gas became rhetorically cemented in much of the public imagination as the humanitarian alternative to live ammunition.

Into the next century, tear gas would become the most widely used less lethal technology. It would transform into part of today’s $1,630,000,000 global industry in less lethal weapons, with rapidly expanding markets in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. But for all that to unfold, Fries and his compatriots would first need to build up a commercial market for tear gas.

* * *

The art of twisting scientific testing into advertising copy.

Beyond trade publications, radio speeches, and news features, Fries and his network also staged large-scale product demonstrations. On a balmy July day in 1921, Fries’s old friend and colleague Stephen J. De La Noy, brought large supplies of tear gas to a field near downtown Philadelphia. Here he enacted the power of war gases in peacetime by inviting members of the city’s police department to experience its effects. Inviting reporters to record the spectacle of 200 policemen faced with tear gas, De La Noy set the stage for an enticing media story.

A reporter from the New York Times described how the gas “thrice sent [the police] into hasty and wet-eyed retreat.” As the demonstration continued, Philadelphia’s police superintendent selected “a battalion of his huskiest men … with instructions to capture six men who were armed with 150 tear gas bombs.” They fared no better than the first bunch, as “three times they charged, but each time were driven back, weeping violently as they came within range of the charged vapour.” Afterwards, police officials told the Times that the demonstration “undoubtedly proved the value of tear gas in police work.” The gas, they concluded, would likely replace “means hitherto used to subdue mobs and criminals.”

Strikers Tear Gassed

Tear gas used against striking workers of the Spang Chalfant Company, Ambridge, Pennsylvania, June 11, 1934. Photo: Getty Images.

This early demonstration spawned a major national and international campaign for the use of tear gases by law enforcement agencies. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s both the CWS and commercial manufacturers peddled their products to police departments, National Guard, prisons, and private security firms. This marks a turning point in what is today called the “militarization of the police.” “A few police armed with this weapon could disperse a mob easily and destroy the impact of a mass demonstration,” historian Daniel P. Jones argues. “The dramatic increase in the power of police forces in handling mass disturbances certainly meant a loss of power to any group opposing established order.”

Just as demand needed to be secured, so did supply. To jumpstart the commercial market, Fries donated samples from the CWS to friends—many of them former soldiers—who had become entrepreneurial executives in gas munitions companies. Perhaps the most outspoken of these was Colonel B. C. Goss, who had worked in the chemical warfare division during World War I. A respected chemist and decorated military man, Goss founded the Lake Erie Chemical Company in Cleveland, Ohio. As general manager of one of the largest companies in this new industry, Goss knew profits would follow perception. He wanted to be the single manufacturer supported by the US military, and sought to use his wartime credentials to make this happen. Goss solicited help from his old CWS buddies and learned the art of twisting scientific testing into advertising copy.

On April 15, 1926, Goss wrote to Fries requesting that he contact the Chicago Superintendent of Police, Morgan A. Collins, “calling his attention to the fact the there are many possible new uses and new chemicals which are admirably suited for use by police departments [sic], with which you would like to have them made acquainted, and that you would appreciate it if he could arrange to have me give a brief talk to the National Convention of Police Chiefs at Chicago.” Fries, uncomfortable with this request but committed to Goss, delayed his reply. Busy preparing for a confidential show at Edgewood Arsenal, Fries “hesitated about writing to the Chicago Chief of Police for fear of possible unfavorable reaction.” He thought it better if the superintendent could telephone him, at which point he could then recommend Goss as a keynote speaker, making the matter appear more casual. “You know my great personal interest in what you are doing,” Fries reassured Goss. “As fast as your products are available, send them along to us for testing.”

* * *

Tear gas was in fact intentionally designed to be shot at point-blank range into people’s faces and bodies and was indeed recommended for use inside buildings.

Goss wasn’t the only one monitoring his public perception. Fries wanted to keep his special relationships with commercial manufacturers sweet, without causing a stir with the War Department. These exchanges between Goss and Fries paralleled a growing PR industry in the United States. In these still early days of military-industry exchange, what connected state and commercial organizations was not only knowledge and technology transfer but also communications strategies. Building social networks and embedding endorsements into marketing was as important as generating revenue. Goss and Fries were exchanging both profit and perception. In ways that continue today, this concern over public perception functions at multiple levels. At the organizational level, it operates to keep workers in line (seen in Fries’s wariness of upsetting his superiors). On the level of business transactions, it is what shapes a sales personality and branding strategy (seen in Goss’s courting of police chiefs). And on a more public level, it fuels media strategies and shapes rhetoric (as in Fries’s production of the language and concept of humanitarian weaponry).

Within a year, the CWS was providing tests of Lake Erie’s commercial products. The company’s new tear gas weapons were set to undergo scrutiny at Edgewood Arsenal in the winter of 1927. While Goss was soliciting military endorsements, he wanted to make sure the tests were carried out in a way that provided the best possible outcome. This was no ordinary tear gas. “These Shells are intended to be used, namely, for firing directly in the faces of rioters or mobs, at short range by guards,” Goss wrote, checking in with Fries on February 17, 1927, to recommend that testing be done only with the one-inch Very Pistols instead of the ten-gauge. He promised, “These one-inch shells really have a terrific wallop.”

Protesters managed to pull down a wall connecting Gatuekera

Nairobi, Kenya, October 26, 2017. Photo: Getty Images

On February 25, the CWS reported the results of Lake Erie’s “Blind-X Shell” tests. In the opinion of the board, this tear gas was of no use in the outdoors, as Goss had noted in his letter. Yet the gas “would seriously injure if fired in the face of a person under 20 feet,” making it useful for “warehouses or other large rooms.” The report recommended that “the charge must be received full in the face or on the body to be effective” and that this gas “will be effective against unarmed individuals, but will only stop a determined and armed individual when fired point blank.”

While the Lake Erie “Blind-X Shells” tests were just one in a long series of munitions tests to take place at the Arsenal, the results speak toward common misperceptions about how tear gas is handled. Today when canisters are shot at people’s heads or into rooms or cars, it is seen as an accident or against-protocol use. However, these tests show that tear gas was in fact intentionally designed to be shot at point-blank range into people’s faces and bodies and was indeed recommended for use inside buildings and for firing at close proximities. It is important to bear in mind that these Blind-X Shells were not early prototypes of aerosol sprays—those were found in police billy clubs and pen devices that fired tear gas. In these early versions of tear gas sprays, a “secret” nozzle concealed in the object would fire out a short spurt of these chemicals. Far more aggressive than these miniature blasts of liquid, Very Pistols were flare guns adapted to carry tear gas shells. Each shell was a cylindrical cartridge with a one-inch diameter, roughly the size of today’s D battery. This was considered an “excellent” and desirable feature of tear gas because of its ability to cause “walloping” pain.

Second, the test results explicitly stated that the product would be effective against “unarmed individuals.” Again, it was not an anomaly or ethical mistake for police to fire upon unarmed protesters at close range in enclosed spaces. This function was embedded in the very design of these tear gas weapons. Causing injury to unarmed civilians was an intended outcome of manufacturing these tear gas shells.

Today, companies claim to manufacture safer and safer forms of tear gas and less lethal weapons. But what does it really mean to improve on the safety of a device designed to cause harm? Is it truly an accident when a product developed to shoot people in the face is used to shoot people in the face? If you follow the hyperlinked trails of less-lethal-weapons patents into the past, you will see the mystifying language of safety and protocols erode. Yet the design and purpose of these technologies remains the same.

* * *

I hope in the spring to be able to go back and then take advantage of your offer to do a little golf out at the Country Club.

As the use of tear gas by law enforcement officials grew, tensions between the roles of commercial manufacturers and the CWS mounted. Just one month after the February 1927 tests, Goss panicked over leaked information. Edgewood Arsenal had purchased hand grenades made by Lake Erie Chemical Company for technical trials. As Edgewood’s technicians consisted of men who, like Goss, where also involved in commercial companies, testing at the military facility meant that competitors gained access to new tear gas developments— including rival company Federal Laboratories.

Colonel Goss could not contain his panic over the prospect that Federal Labs would steal its new noxious formulas. “I should like to point out to you again,” he wrote General Fries in haste, “that this very thing is a source of danger to our interest, if in ‘technical personnel,’ Oglesby and the others who are, I understand, under contract with Federal Laboratories, are included.” A man of science, of war and of commercial interests, Colonel Goss struggled to maintain friendly connections with the CWS and focus on the profits of his budding business. Meanwhile, on the other side of this military-industrial exchange, General Fries grew impatient with Goss and increasingly protective over what kinds of support he could offer from his position inside the Chemical Warfare Service. “I have read and re-read your letter through several times,” he replied to Goss, “and I am at a loss to understand your attitude in the matter of testing grenades … I cannot understand how you can expect to have us put you in a preferred class when we go into the market and purchase your product.” Dismayed that Lake Erie was advertising unpatented products on the open market, Fries wrote, “No reputable firm, in my mind, would build up a market for a product which they were not able to fill indefinitely.”

Tacoma Lumber Strike

The lumber and mill workers strike, Tacoma, Washington, 1935. Photo: Getty Images.

In 1929, Goss again found his interests tangled up with the CWS, this time with General Gilchrist, Fries’s successor. Angry once again at the spread of technical information, Goss wrote Gilchrist, “We have hitherto kept the composition of our Gas a trade secret … [it] was not developed by the Chemical Warfare Service, but in our own laboratories and Dr Clark, chief chemist of the Eastman Kodak Company … told me that in his opinion, the composition was more effective.” When Goss later sought copies of another set of technical reports from the Chemical Warfare Service, this fuzzy division between the commercial and military sectors came to the fore. “I regret very much to be compelled to inform you,” Gilchrest responded, “these reports are strictly confidential and cannot be removed from Edgewood Arsenal.” Yet, weaving back into informality, Gilchrest’s ends his letter amicably: “I hope in the spring to be able to go back and then take advantage of your offer to do a little golf out at the Country Club.” These old-boys’-club connections continue to characterize arms-trade exchanges today. As performed sociability infuses business transactions, partnerships are formed and broken around mutated visions of trust and loyalty.

Goss’s frustration with the CWS mounted. In July 1931, conflicting interests arose once more, this time around the military sale of gas grenades. “It is common practice with these National Guard outfits to give away Grenades to any Police Department or Prison, or almost anybody else that asks for them,” Goss complained, “Which, of course, has an exceedingly bad effect on our business.” Goss’s intervention yielded positive results: the chief of the Militia Bureau issued instructions to the National Guard that the sale of tear gas “for any purpose other than that for which it was issued to the State” was not permitted.

* * *

You were gassed with the best of will!

By the late 1920s, both Lake Erie Chemical Company and Federal Laboratories were deeply embroiled in labor struggles and international conflicts. In addition to their close military ties, representatives from these companies fraternized with industry executives and local police forces. They followed news headlines of strike disputes and sent their salesmen into high-conflict areas. In a 1936 article for the Nation, Frank C. Hanighen explained, “Firms engaging in this sort of business do not wait for strikes to commence. They go after the business before trouble breaks out and persuade industrialists to arm, regardless of the consequences to the workers.”

Mr. John W. Young, president of Federal Laboratories, wrote to one of his agents that he had seen “a notice in Sunday’s Herald Tribune that they were expecting labor trouble at the Panama Canal.” He advised his salesmen, “This paper lists the Callahan Co., Shirley Peterson, and Gunther as contractors … I think if these people are properly solicited they can be convinced of the importance of carrying tear gas on hand in Panama. I suggest you follow this through.”

In the United States, the use of tear gas to break up political protest was also gaining ground. On July 29, 1932, the largest “practical field test” (as Edgewood Arsenal called it) of new tear gas technologies occurred when National Guard troops stormed the Bonus Army encampments in Washington, DC. A group of veterans lobbying to receive their overdue wartime payments, the “Bonus Army” was living and protesting outside the capitol. During the National Guard’s offensive eviction, tear gas smoke and fire engulfed the encampment. Two men were killed in the bloody eviction and two infant children were said to have asphyxiated from tear gas inhalation. Official reports of the incident claimed otherwise, but the Bonus Army saw this as another government cover-up. Their ballad “No Undue Violence” mockingly testified:

“We used no undue violence”—
So, Baby Myers, be still!
Though it isn’t quite plain
To your little brain,
You were gassed with the best of will!

For the Bonus Army, tear gas became known as the “Hoover ration,” a further sign of growing economic disparity in America. But for police chiefs, industrial owners, and consulates around the world, the eviction of the Bonus Army was an opportunity to demonstrate the power of their riot-control products.

The Lake Erie Chemical sales team included photos of the Bonus Army demonstrations in its highly illustrated product catalogues. These promotional materials also depicted scenes of smoke chasing away strikers from Ohio to Virginia. Lake Erie’s tagline, “One man with Chemical Warfare Gas can put to flight a thousand armed men,” ran across the bottom of all its promotional communications, as it made promises to provide “an irresistible blast of blinding, choking pain” that would “produce no permanent injury.”

While manufacturers were busy extolling the harmlessness of their product line, hospitals were filling up with people suffering from tear gas injuries. Reflecting on this gap between marketing and reality, Heber Blankenhorn of the National Labor Relations Board told the Nation, “They say these tear gas bombs do not hurt. I happened to see one of the men hit by one of these and all that could be seen of his face, when I saw him in the hospital, was one eye glaring at me and something like a mouth—when he tried to call for water, more blood and sputum came out than anything else.”

* * *

They glued together the shredded files of tear gas salesmen.

As the 1930s brought on the Great Depression, the United States saw a heightened use of tear gas to quell economic protests. It was not long before the tear gas industry’s role in strikebreaking drew attention. Government investigations came in the form of two Senate subcommittees. One, chaired by Senator Robert Lafollette Jr., investigated the private sales of tear gas to industrialists for strikebreaking purposes. The other, Senator Gerald P. Nye’s Special Committee Investigating the Munitions Industry, examined the national and international trade in munitions, which included the sale of tear gas by commercial manufacturers, particularly Lake Erie Chemical Company and Federal Laboratories.

As chair of subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, Senator LaFollette—or “Young Bob,” as he was often called—was busy investigating corporate corruption and the repression of labor strikes. A progressive Republican from Wisconsin and son of the much-loved and respected “Fighting Bob” LaFollette Sr., Bob Jr. was born into his reputation as an advocate for labor rights. LaFollette’s subcommittee investigation included scrutiny of the use of tear gas and other industrial munitions against strikers. A dedicated bunch, they chased after subpoenaed executives. They glued together the shredded files of tear gas salesmen. And they traveled tirelessly up and down the country gathering testimonial evidence from policemen, guards, and the strikers they had gassed.

Women On Strike

American police use tear gas against women pickets at the Newton Steel Company, Monroe, Michigan, June 10, 1937. Photo: Getty Images.

Senator Lafollette had been informed by the Department of Commerce’s National Bureau of Standards that the Chemical Warfare Service “had charge of the development of this product and its use for civil as well as military purposes.” Bureau director Lyman J. Briggs, the man in charge of overseeing commercial standards for products, believed the CWS was linked to the commercial manufacture of tear gas. There was little reason to suspect he was mistaken. Briggs, known to be an easygoing man, made no judgment or assertion of value in his brief letter to the senator. He simply stated that the CWS was involved “in civil and military” uses of tear gas.

But acting Chief Lieutenant Colonel Haig Shekerjian of the CWS knew better than to admit such intimate relations to a man investigating the repression of civil rights. Shekerjian wrote back to the senator that very same day to assure him: “This understanding is incorrect inasmuch as the Chemical Warfare Service is responsible solely for the development and use of chloroacetophenone for strictly military purposes, and has no information concerning the production of this material in the United States, or cost, thereof, other than the production and cost of the small quantities manufac- tured by this Service from time to time for military training purposes.” Attempting to untangle military and commercial interests, Lieutenant Colonel Shekerjian wanted Lafollette to believe that the CWS had little to do with the production and sale of tear gas munitions.

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Mr. Young reluctantly admitted that no tear gas had ever been sold to strikers.

Shekerjian’s claim was in some ways true. The CWS was not allowed to manufacture gas munitions for public or commercial sale. Its supplies were held primarily for research and testing purposes for war preparation. Only under special circumstances where conflict suddenly arose could they deploy tear gas to the National Guard, federal prisons, or military outposts abroad. The CWS was, in strictly legal terms, a separate entity from the few companies selling tear gas at the time. This was, of course, only the official story. In reality the CWS was deeply embroiled in bringing tear gas from the trenches to the streets.

Senator Lafollette’s investigators traveled around the United States interviewing witnesses, subpoenaing files, and at times even rifling through the trash, ashes, and shredded papers of sales agents’ files. Between April 1936 and July 1937, the committee had taken 333 witnesses’ testimony and amassed hundreds of exhibits, included incriminating letters and images of blood-stained tear gas canisters. The subcommittee found that between 1933 and 1937, over $1.25 million (about $21 million today) worth of “tear and sickening gases” had been purchased “chiefly during or in anticipation of strikes.”

Nye’s investigation turned up similar findings regarding the business practices of tear gas salesmen. On Tuesday, September 18, 1934, Mr. Young, president of Federal Laboratories, stood before Nye’s committee. Senator Clark turned to the question of the relationship between industrialists and tear gas manufacturers:

senator clark: Is there any limitation on whom you sell that tear gas or sickening gas to, or do you just sell it to anybody who comes along and wants to buy it? …

mr. young: The limitation has been put on there by ourselves, primarily, Senator Clark. In other words, let us say that there was going to be a local strike in some town. The police department of that town happens to be on the side of the industrialists. They buy tear gas, but the strikers, those on the other side, cannot buy tear gas. Is that the operation as a result of your rules?

Mr. Young reluctantly admitted that no tear gas had ever been sold to strikers and went on to explain to the senators, much to their annoyance, how mob psychology worked.

But it wasn’t only the tear gas manufacturers who used PR to fight their case. Kiplinger Finance magazine observed of LaFollette’s committee hearings, “Senate tear gas and strikebreaking disclosures will have the effect in Congress next year of promoting federal regulation of traffic in arms, bombs, and other strikebreaking implements. There will be much agitation against corporations using them. Publicity will be the weapon.”

This publicity often worked in Lafollette’s favor, as reporters were drawn to the cover-ups and conspiracies exposed at the hearings. This prompted complaints and personal attacks on Lafollette from those who supported strikebreaking. Lafollette’s investigation team was called “useless” and sometimes told to “close up and shut up”; one particularly enraged citizen deemed it a “communistic programme to steal from those who have $$$ and give to those who have not.”

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Most of these personal elements of the military-industrial complex are intentionally hidden from public view. Uncovering such informal meetings and exchanges in the present is a highly dangerous and difficult task…. But in historical archives, such secrets lay there for the taking.

In the end, the Chemical Warfare Service evaded blame. While the interrogation lights fell on commercial manufacturers, the military’s confidential status shielded them from accountability. This perhaps comes as no surprise. Obfuscation is key to the operation of the military-industrial complex.

In the early 1920s, the value of defense and security industries was a small fraction of what it is today. The smartphones, computerized logistics systems, and high-speed jet transportation that makes business transactions possible today barely resemble the telegrams and forwarded letter chains of the 1920s. Yet the human connections—the friendships, the loyalties, the competitive streaks and little white lies—that created the less lethal market then, remain fully intact today.

WWI World War One 1914 1918 Battle of Estaires 1918

British troops blinded by tear gas during the Battle of Estaires, April 10, 1918. Photo: Getty Images.

These are the human elements that shape market transactions, creating both supply and demand. They are often what get lost in debates surrounding “police militarization” and the political economy of the global military-industrial complex. Undertaking the very important task of showing how larger structures operate all too easily leads us to forget that every system is made up of decision-making parts. Some of those parts are people; others are the policies, prototypes, and patent laws in which people become entangled. In addition to the spectacles and scandals that get revealed in newspapers and courtrooms, it is these everyday secrets and lies that carry insight into how such seemingly benign encounters are precisely what build profit at the expense of human well-being.

Most of these personal elements of the military-industrial complex are intentionally hidden from public view. Uncovering such informal meetings and exchanges in the present is a highly dangerous and difficult task, as the repercussions facing whistleblowers and investigative journalists make clear. But in historical archives, such secrets lay there for the taking. Declassified and “freed,” this once-confidential information tells tales of the friendships and rivalries that have grown into world-changing industries.

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Perhaps not surprisingly, tucked among Fries’s personal files is a membership form for the Ku Klux Klan.

The story of Amos Fries and his entrepreneurial social network is a cautionary tale. It reveals the origins of the dangerous relationship between the escalation of police force and the profitable pursuits of riot-control manufacturers. As true in the 1920s as it is today, protest became an opportunity to “field test” new weapons. Austerity and injustice were mobilized as excuses to sell, research, and develop weapons designed for use against civilians.

In the years since Amos Fries brought military tear gas to the policing of protest, public safety has become ever more dictated by business models for risk and security. Economic interests and the pursuit of private profits fuel these models. Under these conditions, the repression of political communication itself becomes a commodity. It is traded and sold in the feed the less lethal industry. This industry expands so long as protest stays criminal and the police can be persuaded to purchase more and more military-grade goods.

Looking back toward the nascent military-industrial complex of the 1920s and 1930s helps unravel the evasive alliances that work to dehumanize interaction, commodify repression, and elude accountability. While Fries’s power was contested and had its limits, his ideologies shaped the military transfer of tear gas for civilian use. His dangerously myopic visions of “good” and “bad” Americans legitimated the deployment of chemical weapons to crush popular uprisings.

In 1935, Fries testified to Congress, “There is no room in this country for any ‘ism,’ or any word ending in those letters, except ‘Americanism.’” Perhaps not surprisingly, tucked among Fries’s personal files is a membership form for the Ku Klux Klan. Although in his archives it is left blank, the form is accompanied by a personalized membership solicitation letter praising Fries’s initiative to ban the teaching of communism in public schools. The letter, typed on “Women of the Ku Klux Klan” stationary, pledges “to support Major Fries and his committee to the fullest extent.”

Fries’s militarized, white-supremacist vision saw the duty of a “true American” as “the protection of our country against any foreign dangers whatsoever, whether it is from aliens outside, or not.” His campaigning served as a precursor to the era of McCarthyism that followed. As anticommunist sentiment and rallying for World War II spread through the United States, both Nye and LaFollette were trampled in its path. Nye was both a labor rights and anti-corruption advocate, as well as an isolationist—a stance no longer tolerated as the United States entered the war. While many celebrated Nye for his progressive politics, his anti-war sentiments led to accusations of anti-Semitism. Meanwhile, LaFollette’s passionate work in the senate also drew to a dismal close. Despite many attempts to distance himself from communist organizations, LaFollette’s fate was sealed by Senator Joseph McCarthy himself, who in 1946 unseated the much-loved Young Bob in a surprising victory. Demoralized and exhausted by accusations against his character, LaFollette took his own life. “According to close associates,” Patrick Maney wrote, “LaFollette had McCarthy on his mind when he committed suicide in 1953.”

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Reprinted from Tear Gas: From the Battlefields of WWI to the Streets of Today by Anna Feigenbaum. Copyright © 2017 by Ashley Dawson. With permission of the publisher, Verso. All rights reserved.

Editor: Dana Snitzky

Blockchain Just Isn’t As Radical As You Want It To Be

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Rachel O’Dwyer | An essay originally anthologized in Ours To Hack and To Own: The Rise of Platform Cooperativism, A New Vision for the Future of Work and a Fairer Internet | OR Books | August 2017| 6 minutes (1,600 words)

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The current rhetoric around the blockchain hints at problems with the techno-utopian ideologies that surround digital activism.

A blockchain is essentially a distributed database. The technology first appeared in 2009 as the basis of the Bitcoin digital currency system, but it has potential for doing much, much more—including aiding in the development of platform cooperatives.

Traditionally, institutions use centralized databases. For example, when you transfer money using a bank account your bank updates its ledger to credit and debit accounts accordingly. In this example, there is one central database and the bank is a trusted intermediary who manages it. With a blockchain, this record is shared among all participants in the network. To send bitcoin, for example, an owner publicly broadcasts a transaction to all participants in the network. Participants collectively verify that the transaction indeed took place and update the database accordingly. This record is public, shared by all, and it cannot be amended.

This distributed database can be used for applications other than monetary transactions. With the rise of what some are calling “blockchain 2.0,” the accounting technology underpinning Bitcoin is now taking on non-monetary applications as diverse as electronic voting, file tracking, property title management, and the organization of worker cooperatives. Very quickly, it seems, distributed ledger technologies have made their way into any project broadly related to social or political transformation for the left—“put a blockchain on it!”— until its mention, sooner or later, looks like the basis for a dangerous drinking game. On the other side of things, poking fun at blockchain evangelism is now a nerdy pastime, more enjoyable even than ridiculing handlebar moustaches and fixie bicycles.

So let me show my hand. I’m interested in the blockchain (or blockchain-based technologies) as one tool that, in a very pragmatic way, could assist with cooperative activities—helping us to share resources, to arbitrate, adjudicate, disambiguate, and make collective decisions. Some fledgling examples are La’Zooz, an alternative ridesharing app; Swarm, a fundraising app; and proposals for the use of distributed ledgers to manage land ownership or critical infrastructures like water and energy. Many of these activities are difficult outside of local communities or in the absence of some trusted intermediary. However, I also think that much of the current rhetoric around the blockchain hints at problems with the techno-utopian ideologies that surround digital activism, and points to the assumptions these projects fall into time and again. It’s worth addressing these here.

ASSUMPTION #1: WE CAN REPLACE MESSY AND TIME-CONSUMING SOCIAL PROCESSES WITH ELEGANT TECHNICAL SOLUTIONS

Fostering and scaling cooperation is really difficult. This is why we have institutions, norms, laws, and markets. We might not like them, but these mechanisms allow us to cooperate with others even when we don’t know and trust them. They help us to make decisions and to divvy up tasks and to reach consensus. When we take these things away—when we break them down—it can be very difficult to cooperate. Indeed, this is one of the big problems with alternative forms of organization outside of the state and the market—those that are not structured by typical modes of governance such as rules, norms, or pricing. These kinds of structureless collaboration generally only work at very local kin-communal scales where everybody already knows and trusts everyone else. In Ireland, for example, there were several long-term bank strikes in the 1970s. The economy didn’t grind to a halt. Instead, local publicans stepped in and extended credit to their customers; the debtors were well-known to the publicans, who were in a good position to make an assessment on their credit worthiness. Community trust replaced a trustless monetary system. This kind of local arrangement wouldn’t work in a larger or more atomized community. It probably wouldn’t work in today’s Ireland because community ties are weaker.


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Bitcoin caused excitement when it proposed a technical solution to a problem that previously required a trusted intermediary—money, or, more specifically, the problem of guaranteeing and controlling money supply and monitoring the repartition of funds on a global scale. It did this by developing a distributed database that is cryptographically verified by an entire network of peers and by linking the production of new money with the individual incentive to maintain this public repository. More recently this cryptographic database has also been used to manage laws, contracts, and property. While some of the more evolved applications involve verifying precious stones and supporting interbank loans, the proposal is that this database could also be used to support alternative worker platforms, allowing systems where people can organize, share, or sell their labor without the need of a central entity controlling activities and trimming a generous margin off the top.

The blockchain has more in common with the neoliberal governmentality that produces platform capitalists like Amazon and Uber and state-market coalitions than any radical alternative.

Here the blockchain replaces a trusted third party such as the state or a platform with cryptographic proof. This is why hardcore libertarians and anarcho-communists both favor it. But let’s be clear here—it doesn’t replace all of the functions of an institution, just the function that allows us to trust in our interactions with others because we trust in certain judicial and bureaucratic processes. It doesn’t stand in for all the slow and messy bureaucracy and debate and human processes that go into building cooperation, and it never will.

The blockchain is what we call a “trustless” architecture. It stands in for trust in the absence of more traditional mechanisms like social networks and co-location. It allows cooperation without trust, in other words—something that is quite different from fostering or building trust. As the founding Bitcoin document details, proof-of-work is not a new form of trust, but the abdication of trust altogether as social confidence and judgment in favor of an algorithmic regulation. With a blockchain, it maybe doesn’t matter so much whether I believe in or trust my fellow peers just so long as I trust in the technical efficiency of the protocol. The claim being made is not that we can engineer greater levels of cooperation or trust in friends, institutions, or governments, but that we might dispense with social institutions altogether in favor of an elegant technical solution.

This assumption is naïve, it’s true, but it also betrays a worrying politics—or rather a drive to replace politics (as debate and dispute and things that produce connection and difference) with economics. This is not just a problem with blockchain evangelism—it’s a core problem with the ideology of digital activism generally. The blockchain has more in common with the neoliberal governmentality that produces platform capitalists like Amazon and Uber and state-market coalitions than any radical alternative. Seen in this light, the call for blockchains forms part of a line of informational and administrative technologies such as punch cards, electronic ledgers, and automated record keeping systems that work to administrate populations and to make politics disappear.

ASSUMPTION #2: THE TECHNICAL CAN INSTANTIATE NEW SOCIAL OR POLITICAL PROCESSES

Like a lot of peer-to-peer networks, blockchain applications conflate a technical architecture with a social or political mode of organization. We can see this kind of ideology at work when the CEO of Bitcoin Indonesia argues, “In its purest form, blockchain is democracy.” From this perspective, what makes Uber Uber and La’Zooz La’Zooz comes down to technical differences at the level of topology and protocol. If only we can design the right technical system, in other words, the right kind of society is not too far behind.

The last decade has shown us that there is no linear-causal relationship between decentralization in technical systems and egalitarian or equitable practices socially, politically, or economically. This is not only because it is technologically determinist to assume so, or because networks involve layers that exhibit contradictory affordances, but also because there’s zero evidence that features such as decentralization or structurelessness continue to pose any kind of threat to capitalism. In fact, horizontality and decentralization—the very characteristics that peer production prizes so highly—have emerged as an ideal solution to many of the impasses of liberal economics.

There’s zero evidence that features such as decentralization or structurelessness pose any kind of threat to capitalism.

Today, Silicon Valley appropriates so many of the ideas of the left—anarchism, mobility, and cooperation—even limited forms of welfare. This can create the sense that technical fixes like the blockchain are part of some broader shift to a post-capitalist society, when this shift has not taken place. Indeed, the blockchain applications that are really gaining traction are those developed by large banks in collaboration with tech startups—applications to build private blockchains for greater asset management or automatic credit clearing between banks, or to allow cultural industries to combat piracy in a distributed network and manage the sale and ownership of digital goods more efficiently.

While technical tools such as the blockchain might form part of a broader artillery for platform cooperativism, we also need to have a little perspective. We need to find ways to embrace not only technical solutions, but also people who have experience in community organizing and methods that foster trust, negotiate hierarchies, and embrace difference. Because there is no magic app for platform cooperativism. And there never will be.

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Copyright © 2017 by Rachel O’Dwyer. All rights reserved.

Editor: Dana Snitzky

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